tured. In view of the late course of events, the temper of the people, as well as of the higher classes, grows less and less disposed to interference, so that I regard the sentiments expressed in Parliament, whatever they may be, with very little apprehension. It may be depended upon that, without the occurrence of some very extraordinary event, the government of the United States will not be further molested in its efforts to conduct its experiment of reducing the rebellion, according to its own plan, to some definite result. I think I can say this with more confidence now than at any previous period of my residence here. But if this be the favorable view of our position in England, it is to be kept in mind, on the other hand, that nearly all of the aid which the rebels obtain to protract the war comes, either directly or indirectly, from people in Great Britain. The newspapers no longer pretend to conceal the fact of outfits constantly making of steamers from the port of Liverpool with the intention to break the blockade. A large proportion of the vessels in the list from the department, already alluded to, appear to be British. The Bermuda has just gone on her second trip, filled with the heaviest cargo of cannon and military stores yet despatched; whilst the nominal destination of the Oreto to Sicily is the only advantage which appears to have been derived from my attempt to procure the interference of the government to stop her departure. How long this business will be continued, in the face of such discouraging news as has been lately coming over the Atlantic, it is difficult to say. The plain fact in any event remains, that the only preventive policy against what is still doing must be found in the vigilance of our naval cruisers. It might be of use if official intelligence of the captures made by them could be promptly forwarded to this legation, for it is not safe to put confidence in mere newspaper statements. It is the popular idea that the blockade is not effective which stimulates many of the ven tures. Having received notice of the departure of the Oreto for Palermo, I immediately wrote to Mr. Marsh, at Turin, to apprise him of her destination, and likewise to Mr. Sprague, the active consul at Gibraltar, in order that he might establish his communications with the various officers in the Mediterrancan as to her ulterior movements. I am glad to hear to-day from him of the arrival at Cadiz of the Kearsarge. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. No. 203.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, March 10, 1862. SIR: I have your despatch of February 21, No. 19, which informs me, first, of the progress of the debate in Parliament concerning the alleged inefficiency of our blockade. I have already treated, sufficiently, I think, upon that subject. I will add, however, first, that I am credibly informed that the commander of the French flect in our waters inspected the blockade, and thereupon stated to Mr Mercier that it is as effective as it could be made by any navy in the world. Second, Memphis newspapers publish telegrams from New Orleans which state that gold is at a premium there of 60 to 65 per cent. The other topic presented in your despatch is an assumption in England that the government of the United States favors the continuance of slavery, while the insurgents are seeking to win foreign support by taking measures for its melioration and ultimate removal. I have hitherto insisted, and I shall persevere in insisting, that slavery here, although admitted to be a world-wide interest, is, as between ourselves and the insurgents, a domestic question. For this reason I declined to invoke or excite foreign prejudices against the insurgents on the ground that they were attempting to set up a republic in our midst upon the foundation of perpetual slavery, in opposi tion to the federal government which rests upon the basis of the political equality of all men. So now, if it were true that the two parties had changed positions, I should still insist that the controversy is one in which no foreign judgment could be invoked, for foreign interference on grounds of sympathy or favor towards domestic parties is subversive every where of national sovereignty and independence. Nevertheless, the allegation of such a change is utterly groundless in regard to both parties. If the government of the United States should precipitately decree the immediate abolition of slavery, it would reinvigorate the declining insurrection in every part of the south; and, on the other hand, if the insurgents at home would avow the policy of opposition to slavery which their emissaries abroad are understood to make pretences to, the insurrection would perish for want of its necessary aliment, namely, opposition to abolition. The President's recent message to Congress will probably produce a sudden change in the tactics of the emissaries, and we may safely wait for them to appear in some new attitude. I fall back upon the ground assumed in my recent despatches. There is no need for further losses and sufferings in Europe by reason of our domestic troubles, and consequently no need for a continuance of the disturbance of relations between the maritime states of Europe and ourselves. Let the governments of Great Britain and France rescind the decrees which concede belligerent rights to a dwindling faction in this country, and all their troubles will come to a speedy end. I am, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. No. 207.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, March 11, 1862. SIR: Information derived from our consul at Liverpool confirms reports which have reached us that insurance companies in England are insuring vessels engaged in running our blockade, and even vessels carrying contraband of war. This is, in effect, a combination of British capitalists, under legal authority, to levy war against the United States. It is entirely inconsistent with the relations of friendship, which we, on our part, maintain towards Great Britain; and we cannot believe that her Britannic Majesty's government will regard it as compatible with the attitude of neutrality proclaimed by that government. Its effect is to prolong this struggle, destroy legitimate commerce of British subjects, and excite in this country feelings of deep alienation. Pray bring this subject to the notice of Earl Russell, and ask for intervention in some form which will be efficient. Our consuls in London and Liverpool can furnish you with all the information you will require. I am, sir, your obedient servant, SIR: In obedience to the instructions contained in your despatch No. 184, of the 14th of February, I have addressed a note to Lord Russell in regard to the conduct of the master of the British steamer General Miramon, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. It will be perceived that I have ventured to introduce another and a different cause of complaint, which suggested itself to me in the perusal of the report of the discussion in both houses of Parliament on the blockade. I have done so, not in the expectation of effecting any purpose of checking the notorious tendency of the commercial classes, but rather to put on record on the part of the government of the United States the consciousness of its existence; for the time may come when there will be attempts to deny it. There are people in England who still pretend that the complaints. which brought on the war of 1812 were ill founded. But for the evidence perpetuated by the official records of the government of the United States this story might become the established faith of the nation. And so it may be in the event of a restoration of our affairs. It will probably be affirmed here that there was a rigid abstinence throughout our time of trial from all attempts to do us injury. In opposition to this, it may be as well to have it in our power to show that, outside of the lines of the rebel States, nearly all the active sympathy and positive assistance has come from the subjects of Great Britain. At this very moment the means which the insurgents have to carry on the war are derived from them, and vessels are fitting out or actually on the way to supply them continually with more. I transmit a copy of a note just received from Lord Russell, in acknowledgment of mine. It will probably be followed by explanations. * * * * * * * * You will scarcely have failed to observe in the course of the late discussion in both houses of Parliament the nature of the animus that pervades the greater number of members towards the United States. It consists not so much of partiality for one side over the other as of disinclination to both and desire that their political power should be diminished by a permanent separation. Even Lord Russell himself, though perhaps not conscious of the influence that prompts it, distinctly betrays the tendency in his remarks on the blockade. I am told by one of the members that the feelings of the House of Commons were perceptibly with Mr. Gregory in his speech, at the same time that they would not dispute the soundness of the policy of the ministry. It is advisable that the government of the United States should clearly understand this distinction, for upon its adaptation of a system to the emergency will greatly depend the chance of preserving the present position of the two countries towards each other. The successes of the campaign have done much for us. I trust they may continue. But they must not be made to depend merely upon good fortune. The stake is too great here to be risked on the passions of ignorant or inexperienced men at home. If we do not mean to give to the evil-inclined of this hemisphere the opportunity to turn the scale in favor of our enemies in the other, we must take care to adhere to a policy which will, by its ultimate success, prove at once our own capacity to guide the country through its perils and the fallacy of the predictions of failure so confidently paraded by those whose wish is father to the thought. We now anxiously await the news by every steamer, but not for the same reasons as before. The pressure for interference here has disappeared. It will arise again only in the event of some very decided reverse. Hence we look more for the evidence of sensible and gradual progress than for an immediate triumph. On many accounts this last result would scarcely seem to be desirable, and especially if the attempt to attain it might lead to the possibility of a corresponding reverse. I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Mr. Adams to Earl Russell. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, MY LORD: It is with much regret that I am constrained to lay before you the copy of a letter addressed to the Department of State by the consul general of the United States at Havana, containing a serious complaint against the conduct of the master of the British steamer General Miramon, off the port of Mobile, in the month of May last. It would appear from the statements therein made, if in accordance with the facts, that Captain Golding took advantage of a privilege granted to him to enter the port of Mobile, upon his profession of a desire to perform an act of humanity, to abuse the confidence thus placed in him, by discharging one cargo of merchandise, and taking off another, in violation of the blockade known to be established at that place. It is almost needless to remind your lordship how much the disposition to relieve to neutral nations the inconveniences inevitably attending a blockade must be affected by the misconduct of such of their citizens as prove to have no respect for moral obligations. It is not without regret that I am compelled to add that this is by no means the only instance which has come within my observation of a desire of British citizens to interfere with the blockade in every manner possible. Not only have the newspapers in Great Britain contained advertisements of vessels about to depart with the declared intention of violating it, but I have reason to believe that respectable assurance companies in London have gone so far as to establish a specific rate of premium at which they are prepared to guarantee the property engaged in such unlawful ventures. The effect of such conduct, in weakening the confidence which my countrymen desire to feel in the friendly disposition of the people of Great Britain, is easily to be conceived. It is no part of my intention in making this representation to imply the existence of any desire on the part of her Majesty's ministers or of the British nation at large to give the smallest countenance to such hostile demonstrations. My purpose is rather to solicit such action, if it be within the power of the government as may, by putting the seal of public reprobation upon a single well-authenticated act of dishonesty, serve to deter other evil-minded persons from pursuing the same path in future. Praying your lordship to accept the assurances of my highest consideration, I have the honor to be, my lord, your most obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Right Hon. EARL RUSSELL, &c., &c., &c. Earl Russell to Mr. Adams. FOREIGN OFFICE, March 13, 1862. SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 10th instant, calling attention to the conduct of the captain of the British steamer General Miramon, as reported to your government by the United States consul at the Havana, in discharging a cargo of merchandise and taking off another at Mobile; the captain of the General Miramon having been allowed to enter that port while under blockade, in consequence of his having stated to the commander of the blockading squadron that his object in going to Mobile was to perform an act of humanity. You also call my attention to the number of vessels lading cargoes in this country with the evident intention of running the blockade, and you request that her Majesty's government will take such action in the matter as may be within their power. I have the honor, in reply, to state that, if the facts as alleged against the captain of the General Miramon are not susceptible of a satisfactory explanation, her Majesty's government would much regret that a British shipmaster should have abused the confidence of the commander of the United States blockading squadron; and, as regards the second point to which you call my attention, I have to assure you that the matter shall have the due consideration of her Majesty's government. I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c. RUSSELL. Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. No. 209.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, March 15, 1862. SIR: Your despatch of February 28, No. 124, has been received. The information which it brings of the improved condition of public opinion in Great Britain in regard to our domestic affairs is highly gratifying. Since the date of my last despatch the Union forces have gained decided advantages. The financial and moral, as well as the physical elements of the insurrection seem to be rapidly approaching exhaustion. Now, when we so clearly see how much of its strength was derived from the hope of foreign aid, we are brought to lament anew the precipitancy with which foreign powers so unnecessarily conceded to it belligerent rights. The President trusts that you are sparing no efforts to convince Earl Russell |