Semmes and his confederates are not ignorant of that fact, and will doubtless endeavor to destroy all they can reach. As soon, therefore, as danger has certainly disappeared at the Azores, I would advise you to send either the Kearsarge or the Tuscarora, with the St. Louis, to Lisbon, in order that I may confer with the commanders of one or both and concert measures for the protection of our exposed commerce hereabouts. It will be necessary, in any event, to retain one of the two steamers at the Azores for a time. The insurgents have already used those islands, in defiance of the Portuguese authorities, who are comparatively powerless, as a rendezvous for coaling, recruiting, and the transfer of munitions of war from vessels abusing the British flag to steamers in the service of the so-called "confederates." And I am credibly informed that a plan has been contrived to establish a coal station at one of the islands, making it the entrepot of a regular contraband commerce, inimical to the interests of the United States, and in flagrant violation of the proclamation of the King of Portugal of July 29, 1861, of which I enclose you a translated copy. If an occasion should occur, it will be your duty to call upon the proper authorities, through the consul or consular agents, and require that proclamation to be carried out in good faith, as it will be to prevent all contraband trade, if they fail in efficiency. I would recommend you to co-operate fully with the authorities, and to respect their usages and laws, but, at the same time, to protect our own interests in the most proper and positive manner. Exposed and undefended as those islands are, we shall have to rely mainly upon ourselves, since there is no naval force of this kingdom stationed there to assert and maintain the good dispositions of the government. It would be well for you to see and confer with Mr. C. W. Dabney, United States consul at Fayal, who is necessarily possessed of much information on this subject. It is not improbable that the Constellation may leave the Mediterranean upon hearing of the depredations referred to. I have written to her commander, suggesting that it would be better for him to cruise in these waters than to proceed to the Azores, as one ship-of-war should be within call for a sudden emergency. Be pleased to communicate with me by every opportunity which may offer, in order that I may keep our government informed of the progress of events. I am, sir, your obedient servant, Captain PICKERing, United States Ship Kearsarge, Azores. JAMES E. HARVEY. No. 159.] Mr. Harvey to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: A telegram from the United States consul at Gibraltar, in reply to an inquiry from me, has just come to hand, which relieves anxiety in regard to the movements of the United States steamer Tuscarora. It now appears that she started for the Azores on Tuesday, the 30th ultimo. The hope is entertained that the two steamers and sloops-of-war which have gone in pursuit of the piratical cruiser Alabama may overtake her and inflict the punishment which a succession of crimes has provoked and deserved. I feel quite confident that the presence of our vessels-of-war at the islands will at least have the effect of preventing further depredations upon American commerce there. ANNUAL MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT. I am informed that the United States storeship Release, which was speedily sent from Fayal, by our consul there, to notify the commanders of the Tuscarora and Kearsarge of the outrages, has arrived at Cadiz. As a knowledge of the facts had reached me previously, all the measures of relief had already been anticipated and adopted. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. JAMES E. HARVEY. 38 M NETHERLANDS. Mr. Pike to Mr. Seward. [Extract.] No. 33.] UNITED STATES Legation, SIR: I have received your despatch of 11th December last, No. 36. The telegraph of to-day announces the settlement of the Trent affair in the interest of peace. I can hardly express to you the feeling of relief It may seem to some a paradox, but it is afforded to Europe by this news. nevertheless true that the act of surrendering Mason and Slidell will vastly elevate and improve the position of the United States government at every court in Europe. It paves the way for a genuine sympathy in its efforts to subdue the rebellion. It has been only the friends of the United States abroad who, for more than a month of gloomy forebodings, have steadily and alone maintained that our government had the strength and the virtue to treat a momentous crisis in the national life with wisdom and self-denial. Everywhere has it been believed and avowed by ruling classes that at such a crisis a headlong democracy was sure to drive the government into the broad road to national ruin. That it should act upon the counsels of discretion in such a delicate and critical emergency is a surprise that will extort their involuntary respect and admiration. Whether England be right or wrong in her late demands, the universal conviction among wise men of all shades of political opinion, so far as my experience goes, has been that the only true course open to our government, under existing circumstances, was to yield to them. It was and is believed that the decision of the question of their justice could be safely left to the future; and that whatever that decision might be, under no circumstances could we be the loser. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington. Mr. Seward to Mr. Pike. No. 42.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, February 5, 1862. SIR: Your despatch of January 15 (No. 34) has been received. I thank you sincerely for your attention and diligence in giving me information of the action of opinion on the continent in regard to the disposition of the question concerning the Trent, and also for your speculations concerning the probable future course of European opinion upon the contest in which we are engaged. Incidents, and even accidents, domestic and foreign, enter much into all the estimates which can be formed on either side of the ocean. There will be incidents and accidents in the future, as there have been in the past, and these cannot now be foreknown. I think I have heretofore said to you that I had perceived that any opinion discovered in Europe is only a later appearance there of an opinion which had already manifested itself among ourselves. Practically the American people were dismayed by the outbreak of the revolution. Europe accepted it as already completed. The American people rallied, and Europe considered. The American people recoiled after the battle of Bull's Run. Europe pronounced the question ended. The American people were confident of success, and Europe admitted the hopefulness of their affairs until the Trent question came up. The American people thought that war waged by Great Britain against us when we were divided would be calamitous. Europe decided that it would be ruinous. Just now the tide of success is with us; the strength of our position is seen and felt by ourselves, and acknowledged by the insurgents. If we go on as we have begun, making progress against the insurrection; and if, at the same time, we practice justice in all our dealings with foreign nations, I feel assured that European states will consider well before they engage in a war against us in violation of all moral right, and with such questionable prospect of benefits to themselves. SIR: Your despatch of February 5 (No. 36) has been received. You will lose no time in calling the attention of Mr. Stratenus to the subject of the intrusion of insurgent piratical American vessels seeking shelter in the ports of the Netherlands and their colonies. If you cannot obtain a decree excluding them altogether, it is thought that the government will have no hesitation in restoring the restrictive policy which was adopted by it under the superintendence of its foreign affairs by Baron Van Zuylen. I trust, however, that the government will go further, and reconsider the whole subject. The insurgents have never, since they attempted a revolu tion, been able to command ingress and egress at any port in the United States. Practically all the seaports occupied by them are effectually invested by the naval forces of the United States. Large stretches of the coast of the insurrectionary States are already in the occupation of the United States, including many of their ports. The others are falling rapidly into the same occupation. The arms of the United States have successfully resisted the revolution, and it is yielding on all sides before them. The time is an opportune one for those friendly powers which, as we think, so prematurely and unnecessarily conceded belligerent rights to the insurgents, to reverse that policy and resume their original relations with the United States. Perseverance by them in that policy can only embarrass a commerce between those powers and the United States, the obstruction of which is only less injurious to themselves than to our own country, while it sustains hopes of foreign intervention already rendered desperate by the manifest disposition of that portion of the people which has been invited to return to their con |