upon Foster against Curtin. to the managers at Washington, who, like all despots, whether in politics or finance, refused to be warned by anything short of an earthquake, and committed him to their wicked policy; but Curtin was a host in himself, and his eloquence and tact won the fight by a majority of thirty-two thousand. On the 10th of October of that year (1860), I wrote as follows from Washington, a good part of which may be useful to the politicians of this day:

It is true the former had to yield

"I am writing this letter on a beautiful autumnal morning, in the city of Washington, after having read your telegraph despatch over and over, which has been confirmed by the Baltimore Sun, the Washington Constitution, and the National Intelligencer, announcing the defeat of Henry D. Foster, and the election of Andrew G. Curtin as Governor of Pennsylvania. There is a bright sun shedding its effulgence into my little room; the leaves are still green in their midsummer freshness, and more than one happy bird is sending forth its melodies; while the outside atmosphere is as clear and as rare as if it had been breathed upon us to make men joyous in their brief earthly career. Not only have I heard this startling news, but the town has heard it. The President of the United States (the O. P. F.) and his constitutional advisers have heard it. But I saw no signs of woe in the faces of the friends I met this morning.

"I have moralized sufficiently in this correspondence, and doubtless have tired more than one of my readers, but shall we not profit by this last and most salutary lesson? It has, of course, convinced Mr. Buchanan, obtuse as he and his Cabinet are to the teachings of the ballot-box, that they will soon be out of the way. Their race will presently be ended; but will not the party leaders who have sustained them in their proscriptions be admonished and instructed by the triple verdicts of the people of Pennsylvania-the October verdicts of 1858, 1859, and now of 1860?

"I know how we 'rebels' and 'traitors' and 'revolutionists' and 'disorganizers' have been denounced by the hirelings of the Administration. I know how we have been called 'Black Republicans' because we have refused to sustain candidates. pledged to the mistakes and the outrages of faithless public servants. I know, too, how many men in all parts of the country have said of The Press and its editor, 'Have you no fault to find with the general approbation? Is our party alone to blame? Are there no errors in those whom, opposing Mr. Buchanan and his Administration, you are indirectly aiding to in fluence and power?' The reply to these questions, a thousand times put to me, is this-that, having accomplished the complete overthrow of the men who, under the cloak of the Democracy, have attempted to destroy the Democratic party, the independent man in the ranks of that party, whose resolute consistency has awakened the sympathy of thousands in other organizations, will henceforth constitute a watchful and vigilant phalanx, equally determined to expose whatever may be wrong in the Republican organization. Traduced by the parasites of Federal power, and looked upon by the Republican victors as contributors to a Republican triumph, and yet as having no just claim to a share in Republican spoils, they will, in order to make their record good, be as free and fearless in their criticism upon the Republicans as they have been upon their own recreant rulers. The day may come when the independent column which broke up and broke down Mr. Buchanan's Administration will constitute a nucleus around which patriotic Americans of every creed and of every section will rally with enthusiasm.”

Curtin was inaugurated in January of 1861. Like every other Governor in the old free States, his inaugural breathed nothing but peace and conciliation. But the Southern leaders would not be conciliated. The election of Mr. Lincoln, forced by themselves in forcing the division of the Democratic party, and then made the pretext for war, was used upon a deluded

people; and, long before the North could believe them in earnest, they were not only prepared to fight, but had actually begun the conflict. The position of Governor Curtin was one of extreme delicacy. He was in authority, and his words were weighty. At his side stood William M. Meredith, his Attorneygeneral, who died in 1867, and now sleeps with his fathers. Calm and self-poised, he surveyed the gathering storm, advising continued moderation. Such was my course in my "occasional"—and at the time almost daily-letters from Washington. A few extracts, as we approached the crisis, will show the temper of the times:

"WASHINGTON, April 7, 1861.

"I am a man of peace. As I said, I have begged for it in these columns and in this city, as you have begged for it at your homes, almost on my knees.. But are there not calamities worse than war? Is not the destruction of our Union by those who have no gratitude for the past, and no respect for the future, worse than any war? Shall we not save it before it is too late? But, how? By committing the case to brave public servants, who, having offered all fair measures of amity and peace, must now be asked to enforce the laws and to protect the public property. If, from this act, war is to follow, better that it should come in that way than that war should be forced upon us by successful traitors. What American would not rather sacrifice his life in defending his flag than be struck down by a remorseless tyranny which grew strong and great because that flag was not defended? We are told that war is inevitable, whatever may be done by the Government—whether it remains passive or boldly doès its duty. This has been the cry of the Southern conspirators for months, and their immense military preparations are proofs that they are sincere in making the prophecy. They will make it, if it is made at all; and when they strike the blow, let it be so answered and avenged as to prove that the day for paltering with rebellion has passed, and the hour for proving that we have a Government has come."

"WASHINGTON, April 17, 1861.

"Let the men of Pennsylvania and the other free States carry out their intentions by intrenching themselves in the city of Washington. They need not wait for uniforms or for the trappings and pageantry of war; they need not wait for organization, for that can be effected when they reach here; nor need they be told to bring with them the means of defence."

Finally Governor Curtin, fully resolved to do nothing rash, after earnest counsel with President Lincoln, resolved to call the Legislature of Pennsylvania in extra session, April 30, 1861, and then began those measures which reflected such honor upon his name and credit upon the State. It is impossible to enumerate all that was done in the four years of the war. No other State had such exhausting and multiplied duties, and it was most fortunate for the nation, as well as for our honored Commonwealth, that we had an executive who, from the outset, appreciated the magnitude of the Rebellion. He did not depend upon the ordinary sources of information, and was in advance of even the national authorities in his comprehension of the conflict, and in his preparation to meet it. Long before the tempest of war broke upon us, he had trusted special agents traversing the Southern States, mingling with the Southern leaders, and gathering all information that threw light upon. their plans and purposes. The result was, he understood that war was coming, and he was fully equal to the new and grave duties imposed upon him. When all was distrust and hesitation in Washington-before the bombardment of Sumterand when it was doubted by many whether the North would agree to maintain the unity of the Government by force if necessary, Governor Curtin was the first to give substantial assurance to the President of the loyalty of his State. At the request of President Lincoln, he visited Washington, in company with the then chairman of the Military Committee of the Senate (Colonel McClure), and assured the President that desperate and protracted war must come, and that his State would at once assure the national authority of her willingness to meet the terrible trial by a prompt reorganization of her military. The President was painfully anxious about the result of such an experiment, and hesitated to advise Governor Curtin to take the step, lest failure might attend the effort; but upon Governor Curtin's pledge that his State would promptly respond to

But the bill passed

his call, the movement was approved by Mr. Lincoln. Governor Curtin at once returned to Harrisburg, and appealed to the Legislature. A bill was matured and presented in the House by Hon. Gideon J. Ball, of Erie. It startled the country by appropriating five hundred thousand dollars, and providing for a complete organization of our volunteer forces for defence. The contest was a bitter one. Faction and Disloyalty joined hands to defeat the measure. both branches in two consecutive days. final passage in the Senate, after having passed the House, the Senate was thrilled with a despatch, read from the clerk's desk, announcing that treason had culminated in war, and that hot shot were then being fired into Sumter. Disloyalty trembled, and the mean spirit of Faction, that sought to embarrass the State Administration, hid its head in shame, and confessed the wisdom and patriotism of the measure.

Just when it was in

VIII.

THE CAUSE OF IRELAND IN AMERICA. SPECIMENS OF THE ELOQUENCE OF THOMAS FRANCIS MEAGHER.

AMERICAN love of liberty is not confined within American limits. It goes out to all the struggling nationalities; and although our present mood is rather the mood or the greed of money, and the appetite for what is called progress, yet the time will assuredly come when the hearts once warmed by the heroism of patriots in other lands will again throb with the impulse of a common humanity. Our war against American slavery has, for the time being, satisfied the American thirst for freedom, and now men would rather quarrel over the unavoidable mistakes of human government than accept the wholesome aggregate of a fair administration. But we can never deny our