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the first position sought him and attempted to browbeat him in his mansion?" He had a most difficult position, and was subsequently criticised for some of his acts by the same rare genius; but he was so much more true than others that he was rewarded for his services by an election to the Senate of the United States for the term ending 1867. He died in Washington city, February 13, 1865. His successor in the Gubernatorial chair was A. W. Bradford, a moderate Union man, of fine abilities and high personal character.
Isham G. Harris, Governor of Tennessee during most of the Rebellion, was in Congress from 1849 to 1853, and was esteemed for his integrity and ability; but as he always belonged to the violent men of the South, it is not surprising that he should have heartily co-operated with them during the war. He was born in 1818, and is now, 1880, a Senator in Congress.
But Tennessee was not given up to Mr. Harris and his associates. Andrew Johnson did not follow his colleague, Hon. A. O. P. Nicholson, out of the United States Senate in 1861, and he boldly demanded succor for the Union men of his State. Although his term in the Senate did not expire till March, 1863, President Lincoln appointed him Military Governor of Tennessee in 1862; and he took possession of the post, while the other Governor, Harris, was flying as a fugitive or following the Confederate army. So Tennessee had two War Governors almost at the same time. And an excellent one Andrew Johnson made for our side. His speeches were sound, his measures bold, his administration a fair success; and he behaved himself generally so well that, under Mr. Lincoln's inspiration, a goodly number of us left Washington on the 6th of June, 1864, to help nominate him for Vice-President the next day. How little we thought that in turning a State Governor into a Vice-President we were also making a President! How little that he who carried the Republican flag so bravely through Tennessee in 1864 would be the standard-bearer of
the old Democracy in less than two years, and that, after nearly four years' coquetting with that party, he would live to realize that his conflict with the Republicans was the blunder of his life! Ex-President Johnson was sixty-seven when he died, July 31, 1875, and lived long enough to admit that the best advice ever given to him was by the writer of these lines: Never to abandon the generous party that gave him the utmost measure of its confidence at a time so full of promise for himself and so full of peril to the country.
Francis W. Pickens, one of the fire-eaters of the Calhoun school, was a peculiar character. He was in Congress from 1835 to 1845, was sent Minister to Russia by Buchanan in 1858, and was Governor of South Carolina from 1860 to December, 1862. He was a fair type of the chivalry, a man of fine presence, considerable intelligence, and, like most of the Southern leaders, a good speaker. He met secession more than half-way, and died January 25, 1869. On the 13th of April, 1861, in an address to the people of South Carolina, he spoke his true sentiments, which will always be read with regret by his posterity in the light of impartial history:
"We have," he said, "humbled the flag of the United States; and as long as I have the honor to preside as your chief magistrate, so help me God! there is no power on this earth shall ever lower from the fortress those flags, unless they be lowered and trailed in a sea of blood. I can here say to you it is the first time in the history of the country that the Stars and Stripes have been humbled. They have triumphed for seventy years; but to-day, on the 13th day of April, they have been humbled before the glorious little State of South Carolina. The Stars and Stripes have been lowered before your eyes this day, but there are no flames that shall ever lower the flag of South Carolina while I have the honor to preside as your chief magistrate."
Joseph E. Brown, Governor of Georgia to November, 1861,
although now in hearty accord with the Republican party, gave great assistance to secession; but it must be remembered that Georgia was the neighbor of the powder-magazine, South Carolina, and that her people could not avoid the explosion when it came. A State with such active and discontented spirits as Toombs, and Crawford, and Iverson, would scarcely tolerate an independent man in the gubernatorial chair, and therefore no one was surprised when Georgia was the first State to follow South Carolina out of the Union, without submitting the question to the people. Joseph E. Brown possesses extraordinary abilities, is a fine lawyer, a persuasive orator, and a thoroughly practical mind. He was a delegate in the last National Republican Convention, and voted for General Grant. At present, I believe, he is largely interested in promoting the internal improvements of the State. He was never a member of either branch of Congress.
Beriah Magoffin, Governor of Kentucky till August, 1863, did his best to preserve the neutrality of that State during the war, and, with his fine capacities as a party manager, seriously embarrassed the Government. It was a most difficult position on both sides; but there is no doubt now that if Kentucky had followed the fortunes of the Union, she would be infinitely more prosperous than she is to-day. Like Maryland, she remains the victim of reactionary politicians, who retard her progress and leave her fair fields strangers to the intelligent emigration which is making the West to blossom like the rose. Ex-Governor Magoffin is a genuine Kentuckian, social and hospitable, a rare judge of good horses, a personal friend of Breckinridge, and one of the most useful men in his State.
But perhaps no Southern Governor was in more hearty accord with secession than Thomas O. Moore, of Louisiana. He began early. In November of 1860 he convened the Legislature in consequence of the election of Abraham Lincoln, and forced the most violent action. A bold, energetic man, full of
resources, he entered into the contest with his whole heart, and on the 26th of January, 1861, Louisiana was out of the Union. While these events were ripening-while the arms of the United States Government were taken from the United States arsenals, and New Orleans rang with military demonstrations; while the money in the Mint and the Custom-house was openly seized by the State authorities—a quiet scholar (William Tecumseh Sherman) was modestly discharging his duties as president or superintendent of the Military Academy of Louisiana at Alexandria, on Red River, a post to which he had been called after he abandoned his business in Missouri and California. Tired of the inaction of the army in peace, he had previously resigned his position of major in the regular service, and was heartily engaged in the congenial work of educating the sons of the fortunate families of Louisiana. In no sense a politician, but in every sense a patriot, he was not indifferent to the great struggle that was approaching; but Governor Moore and hist associates, perhaps misled by his indifference to public affairs, cherished a hope that Sherman might be induced to join the South. They were soon undeceived. When the work of secession began to look to force, he resigned his position to the State authorities. Having carefully adjusted his accounts and received a receipt in full, Sherman left for his new field of action. In 1866, after the overthrow of the Rebellion (in a large degree owing to his superhuman genius), he visited Louisiana, on his Southern tour, as Lieutenant-general, and among other places the Military School at Alexandria. He was warmly welcomed by the officers and students. Sherman is now General of the United States forces, and was sixty February 8, 1880.
And now we turn to the War Governors of the free States. I knew most of them personally, and, so knowing them, it will be difficult to discriminate. Let us begin with Ohio, and with the extraordinary fact that she had three great War Governors, all of them eminent men, all energetic and disinterested, and yet not
one was re-elected by the people. William Dennison, Jr., served till January, 1862, and was followed by David Tod, who served until January, 1864, his successor being John Brough, who died before the expiration of his term, in August or September of 1865. This glorious triumvirate, of whom Governor Dennison is the survivor, were brilliantly identified with the efforts that saved the nation. They all shared the confidence of the President, and especially of Edwin M. Stanton, who became Secretary of War January 13, 1862. Himself a citizen and native of Ohio, he relied upon them as personal friends, and especially upon Tod and Brough, who were Governors during his term. Much of the extraordinary vigor they infused into their respective administrations was due to the unreserved trust he placed in their integrity and capacity. A volume might be filled with incidents of their career. Who cannot recall the straight, stately bearing of Dennison, the handsome face and figure of Tod, the heavy form and massive features of Brough? The two latter were Democrats when the war broke out, but they afterwards lived and died Republicans. They gave freely of their fortunes, as of their time, to the country. Like Dennison, neither of them had been in Congress; but, like him, they did not need that honor to add an inch to their stature. They were men of native dignity and native resources, whom neither office nor title could make more conspicuous in the eyes of the people or on the page of history. Brough, from his railroad experience, acquired a sort of disdain of compromise; he was always ready for an emergency; he never quailed before a threat, or feared to take the responsibility. On one occasion when there was difficulty in moving supplies to the relief of the Army of the Tennessee, Stanton telegraphed Brough to go forward and put vigor into the officer of the regular army who had the work in charge. The Governor found a red-tape gentleman in command, who began work at 9 A.M. and closed at 4 P.M., and, when admonished of the necessity of more prompt action, he coolly in