our London, Norwich, Bristol, and Cinque Ports, stood about that period. They are still of the mind of the twelfth century: they are for guilds and fraternities: they think that prosperity depends on the two things which ages of experience have shown to be ruinous to all progress, and therefore to all prosperity. First, they will keep the whole trade, or handicraft or commerce in their own hands: this limits it, of course, to their own capacity of action, and confines it within their own numbers: and secondly, they will place every member of their favoured corporation on the same level; just as our old laws, "to prevent regrating and forestalling," placed all traders upon a level; and as the assizes for bread, coals, or other merchandise, further destroyed all wholesome competition. These barbarous principles have a deep root in human nature; for human nature is a very selfish thing. They lingered on our statute book, some of them till our own times; though they had not only failed to accomplish the good expected from them, but in many cases had actually defeated the very purposes for which they were enacted, time out of mind. It is painful to see large classes of our countrymen endeavouring to reimpose these trammels upon others, and actually binding the fetters upon themselves with an industry at once pertinacious and suicidal. Yet it is for this class that Mr. Baines, in the house of commons, demands an extension of the franchise; contending "that the improvement of the population in industry, comfort, intelligence, had outstripped their rate of numerical increase." And this is their wisdom and intelligence! Could the house of commons have shown a more true regard for them than it did in rejecting Mr. Baines's borough franchise bill by a large majority? We have thought of late that it has become so much the fashion to coax and flatter the "skilled labourer," that he, of all classes, is never allowed to hear unwelcome truth.

Mr. Gladstone's budget has taken the country by surprise. Our national expenses for the year have been enormous, trade has languished, and the harvest was the worst since 1817. In the face of Europe arming to the teeth, every man felt that our fleet and army admitted of no reductions; and that the reconstruction of the one and the perfect equipment of the other, as well as the completion of the national defences along the coast, were all matters of mere necessity. Under these circumstances a deficiency was expected in the revenue; to be met, of course, by additional taxation. A trifling deficiency there is; but still the chancellor sees his way to offer a reduction of a penny on the income tax, and to repeal the duty on the manufacture of paper. The reduction, slight as it is, in the income tax, will be acceptable to all classes; and without discussing the duty on paper, as compared with other sources of revenue which press far more severely, we are glad that at least an awkward subject of contention between the two houses of parliament should be thus removed. Another point gives us unmingled satisfaction. The introduction of French wines last year is already producing beneficial effects. These are shown in the large quantity of wine sold even in the poorer suburbs, and in the east end, of London, under the new licences granted a year since to confectioners and eating-houses. The wine they sell, it appears, is seldom consumed upon the premises; but

taken home in small quantities for domestic uses, and especially for the sick. And further, there is a considerable falling off in the consumption of ardent spirits, a result worth any amount of pecuniary sacrifice to a nation which values the health, morals, and happiness of its lower classes. When these facts are ranged by the side of the financial statements of other nations, they fill us, or ought to do so, with pro foundest gratitude to God. There is scarcely a kingdom in Europe,we may go further, and include the two great republics into which North America is now unhappily divided,-which is not "in the market," to use the commercial phrase, for a loan; and this many of them can obtain only at an enormous rate of interest, and others not at all.

The diminution in the consumption of spirits is a hopeful sign, but it ought not to be allowed to supersede the exertions of those who wish well to the cause of temperance. We cannot see our way to the cordial approval even of the permissive bill now talked of. It would allow two-thirds or three-fourths of any community to pass a Maine law for itself, and absolutely forbid the sale of liquors. Now let the reader imagine for an instant such a bill passed, and its machinery set in motion in Manchester or Liverpool, with their four hundred thousand inhabitants each. Then, one hundred thousand, let us suppose, or about that number, would compose the still bibulous minority; a noisy minority at the best, and worse than noisy, we fear, when the hand of power came down with summary vengeance to deprive them of what they consider their reasonable indulgence, and their social rights. The permissive act could not be enforced for a single week; and we should witness that most dangerous of all triumphs, the triumph of a resolute minority over a law well known and recently imposed. This is what the state of New York has actually witnessed since she passed the Maine liquor law, five or six years ago. Law itself has been brought into contempt; a state of things not less dangerous to the state than even the debauchery it was intended to remove. Another remedy might, however, be easily applied; and it is so obvious that it is impossible to believe that it has been overlooked. We are afraid that the private interests both of members of parliament and common councilmen stand in the way; and if so, a strong pressure will be required to carry it into effect. Let the number of public houses bear a stated proportion to the number of inhabitants-say one to each thousand at the utmost; and let the old law be again enforced, which forbids games of chance, shows, music, singing, and the like, in houses licensed for the sale of liquors: and the end would be gained. We do not say that drunkenness would cease; but the incentives to it would in a great measure be removed, and the State would have done all perhaps that the State can do, or ought to attempt.

Continental affairs still wear a gloomy aspect. We may sum up all that can be said in a few words. There is an undefined apprehension of coming danger, and the danger is no doubt increased by the apprehension of it in every state in Europe. Garibaldi affords another instance of the familiar lesson that the successful general who has placed a king upon the throne becomes a very dangerous subject. Garibaldi is rash enough to wish to plunge the new kingdom of Italy into two fresh wars at once: he would quarrel with France in order to

make Rome the capital of the Italian kingdom, and with Austria to rescue Venetia from her power. At present, however, he gives way, and the wiser policy of Cavour postpones the difficulties with which he is unfit to cope.

Poland, Russian and Austrian, waits the signal to declare her independence. The emperor of Russia has anticipated a revolution at Warsaw by what we can term nothing less than a massacre of his subjects. At a preconcerted signal the military fired upon an unarmed crowd, columns of troops scoured the streets, and the number of victims killed and wounded is estimated at fifteen hundred. For all this a day of retribution is surely at hand; for verily there is a God that judges the earth in righteousness. The attitude of Poland under her oppressors appears to us becoming a nation worthy of its freedom. There have been no plots, no breaches of the public peace, but an openly avowed protest against oppression, and a determination to regain the rights of which she was deprived, almost in the memory of man, by one of the most shameless and treacherous conspiracies which even the history of the despotic states of continental Europe can afford. Of America we would gladly be silent. The last few days have filled England with suspense. All the communications received from Charleston or New York utter the same note-the dreadful note of approaching civil war. Our hope in England is, that, if possible, it may still be averted. The deep gloom which overspreads this country is such as no other calamity beyond our own shores could possibly create. We can compare it only to the sorrow with which a parent looks on while his own children arm themselves for a deadly conflict with each other.

The great religious anniversaries will be held in London as these lines meet the reader's eye. Every year adds to their importance, and therefore to the difficulties of those who conduct them. May a holy spirit of unity and godly love prevail. Evangelical truth in England is once more summoned to the bar and put upon her trial, and the whole of Christendom, through her representatives, or through the press, looks on. We have only time to add, that we hope so many christian men, many of whom possess a high degree of influence, will not separate without solemn conference together on the present aspect of spiritual religion and the dangers which threaten it, especially in the church of England. The marked success which attended the conferences last year leads us to attach importance to this suggestion.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

IF our friend who writes from Tunbridge Wells had sent us his matured thoughts on verbal inspiration, we would gladly have inserted them; "crude thoughts," however valuable, hardly suit us.

A COUNTRY CLERGYMAN and Old Reader and Subscriber, reads us a severe lecture on the concluding paragraph of one of our late numbers. It would, perhaps, have made a deeper impression upon us, had he not forgotten to favour us with his

name.

WE thank our kind friend near Tenbury.

POSTSCRIPT.-The Christian Observer for June, 1860, Second Edition, is now ready, and may be had, together with the present Number, from all booksellers.

THE POWER AND WISDOM OF GOD.

We have no reason to suppose that wisdom and power are ever dissociated in the works and ways of God; rather we are led to believe that they are invariably combined, wreathed together, as it were, in beautiful harmony, and their combination presents a subject for grateful contemplation. Angelic minds, and such human minds as come nearest in perfection to theirs, may, perhaps, be able at once to perceive the blending of these attributes in perfect union; but ordinary minds discern them separately and consecutively. And if we mistake not, these features of the Divine operation and government are perceived in the order we have above indicated: the power first, the wisdom afterward.

We discern the evidences of wisdom more slowly than those of power; perhaps because they are more recondite. But the principal reason seems to be, that our minds are so much engrossed with material things, so much diverted by matters of fact in the ordinary affairs of life, that the manifestations of Divine wisdom, though near, and abundant, fail to arrest, or at least to retain, our attention. It is true that many evidences of that wisdom lie beyond the reach of observation; but it is equally true that many lie in our path, and beneath our eye, unobserved. It would be of less consequence if this unobservant disposition existed only in regard to the works of nature. Unhappily, it is still more prevalent in matters of higher moment. Many an eye which discerns the wisdom of God in creation is blind to its manifestation in the work of redemption. The apostle's words are but too evidently true: "The natural man receiveth not the things of the Spirit: they are foolishness unto him." (1 Cor. ii. 14.)

How, then, it may be asked, can such minds be arrested, and made to reflect on the works and ways of God? By what

process is it that the thoughtless and earthly-minded are permanently awakened to spiritual perception? We are disposed to answer, that it is generally by directing attention to some manifestation of Divine power. The impression thus made is more vivid and emotional. It excites a desire for further inquiry, and places the soul in a favourable posture for pursuing it. Besides which, to perceive and understand the manifestations of power is easier than to trace the evidences of wisdom, and requires less diligent application. We are almost passive in the one case, some reasoning is exerted in the other. Hence it is, that in the conversion of sinners, and in dealing with untutored and unreflecting minds, the Spirit of God seems usually, in the first place, to present facts and considerations which manifest the Divine power and majesty in some form, and afterwards those which unfold His wisdom. When the mind has been duly affected by the perception of power, it is better prepared to appreciate the wisdom involved, but less apparent, in the very same facts and considerations. And thenceforward the evidences of wisdom appear more clearly, and leave a deeper impression upon the enlightened mind than even the evidences of power. The idea of power arrests the sinner, that of wisdom confirms the believer. St. Paul seems to have noticed this order of the Divine procedure, for he says, "To them that are called, both Jews and Greeks, (we preach) Christ the power of God, and the wisdom of God.” (1 Cor. i. 24.)

A reference to the narrative given us of the world's creation would confirm this view. We first read of the darkness, and the face of the deep agitated by the power of God's Spirit; then comes the birth of light at the word of power. The vast expanse of sky, the rush of the divided waters, the uprising of continents and the burst of vegetation, the appearance on high of sun, moon, and stars, and below of birds and beasts springing into life-all these strike us at once as the manifestations of the Creator's power. But as you behold and notice the gradual development of a plan, the perfect adaptation of all these particulars to the completeness and welfare of the whole, and see at length man introduced as the intelligent ruler, under God, of this new world, to whose happiness everything subserves, the wisdom of the Creator becomes apparent, and impresses the soul with a still deeper reverence. Such, evidently, was the conviction upon the psalmist's mind while penning the 104th psalm. For, after contemplating the majesty and power of God as displayed in the creation, until man appears upon the scene, he gives utterance to this sentiment: "O Lord, how manifold are thy works! in wisdom hast thou made them all." (Psalm civ. 24.)

From the numerous illustrations of this idea, as developed in