the nineteenth century are marked by the political troubles in the old country the suppression of the student societies and turnvereins in 1820, the revolution of 1832, and the more important revolution of 1848. Each of these disturbances sent its quota of political refugees to America. Driven from their native land, these enthusiasts cherished for many years the idea of founding in the new world a German state in which their aspirations for German nationalism, unity, and freedom could be realized. They severely upbraided their countrymen who had preceded them for having allowed themselves to become Americanized. As Germans they felt that they had a mission to fulfill, and that mission was nothing less than the complete Germanizing of the United States. This was to be accomplished through their intellectual superiority, and also by founding German communities and from these as centres making their influence felt throughout the country. A German university was to be established. It was at one time proposed to concentrate German immigration in Wisconsin, until through a preponderance of the population they had succeeded in replacing English with German as the language of the courts, of the legislature and of the schools. Many schemes were suggested for planting German states in the western territories. Niles's Register remarks in a contemporary paragraph that 'a plan is in progress in the southwest of Germany to make up a state and ship it over to America to become the twentyfifth member of the confederacy.'

Fantastic though these schemes appear, they were seriously undertaken, and fully justified the nativistic ideas of the Know-Nothing Party of the fifties. One society alone sent twenty-five hundred immigrants into Texas for the purpose of founding another Germany.

The secession agitation and the Civil War put an end to these dreams. The German element saw their adopted country threatened with the sectionalism which had been the tragedy of the German people, and with commendable spirit they threw themselves on the side of the Union cause.

The succeeding immigration differed markedly from those that have been described. Neither religious liberty nor political freedom was the goal of the swarms which landed on our shores during the eighties and nineties. They had no spiritual interest in America, for they came hither primarily to improve their material condition. There was also this striking difference - the earlier immigrants brought with them bitter memories of German disunion and of the tyrannies of their petty princes. Pride of nationality they had, but little of state or country. Their political allegiance, and all that it implied, they were glad to cast off as a loathed garment. The later arrivals, on the other hand, came, not as refugees, but as the subjects of a united empire whose power and achievements inspired them with a conscious pride. They were prone to criticize the institutions and customs of the new country and to make invidious comparisons with what they had left behind. The better educated revived the separatist ideals of the former revolutionaries, but with the Empire, rather than the German people, as the background. To journalists, clergymen, and teachers, who depended upon a Germanspeaking public for their livelihood, this movement was, of course, a matter of practical interest. But there were many others who, before leaving the old country, had become obsessed with the rapidly developing ideas of Germany's imperial destiny in politics, commerce, and culture.

These ideas, too, had stimulated in

the Fatherland a greater interest in those who had migrated to other countries. In 1881 there was organized the 'Educational Alliance for the Preservation of German Culture in Foreign Lands.' It sought to retain at least the spiritual and intellectual allegiance of German emigrants. 'Not a man can we spare,' so read its declaration of principles - 'if we expect to hold our own against the one hundred and twenty-five million who already speak the English language and who have preëmpted the most desirable fields for expansion.'

A similar thought inspired the PanGerman Alliance.2 'The Germans are a race of rulers,' it declared; 'as such they must be respected everywhere in the world. We do not believe that German national development ended with the results of 1871, great and glorious though they were.' A number of branches of this society, as well as of the Navy League,3 were established in the United States.

Many of the educated class kept in touch with these movements in Germany. They began to agitate among their countrymen for the solidarity of the German element, the preservation of the German language, and the spread of German culture. Their appeals found a ready response among the recent arrivals, and even engaged the attention of the older element, who, though having no interest in Germany as a state, still cherished the memory of the Fatherland as the home of Goethe, of Schiller, of Grimms' Fairy Tales, of the philosophers and musicians. The agitators, permeated with the teachings of modern German historians, pointed to what they regarded as signs of the impending dissolution of

1 Allgemeiner deutscher Schulverein zur Erhaltung des Deutschthums im Auslande.

2 Alldeutscher Verband.

the British Empire; Germany was destined to overthrow the colossus with the feet of clay, and succeed it as a world-empire; German culture would be supreme, the German language the universal tongue. Anglo-Saxon civilization they both disparaged as decadent and cordially hated; Puritanism represented its most odious phase. They proclaimed that only in a political and geographical sense were they Americans in all other respects they remained Germans; they condemned any approach to assimilation, and decried the moral of Zangwill's Melting Pot. Some sought to give the propaganda a patriotic guise by declaring that it was the sacred mission of the German element to guard themselves, their language, and their culture from native influences in order that as a chosen people they might save America from the decay which was destroying the vitals of everything Anglo-Saxon. A monthly magazine, Der deutsche Vorkämpfer, began publication as the special exponent of these ideas.

The media for the propaganda were the German newspapers, German societies, churches, and schools. There are probably six hundred periodicals in the United States printed in the German language. From 1890 on, the number has been diminishing, and the circulation has been practically stationary. It was, of course, highly important for them to maintain the interest of their subscribers in things German, especially in view of the fact that the immigration, which reached its high tide in 1882, dwindled during the nineties, and after 1900 practically ceased.

Organizations of every kind have always been a feature of German life in America. The national 'Sängerbund' was organized in 1849. The turnvereins organized as far back as 1848 and have had a national alliance since 1850.

To-day they boast forty thousand members, and have a normal school in Indianapolis. In 1870 the association of German teachers 1 was formed, and soon after that a training school was established in Milwaukee. In 1885 a national organization of German schools 2 was started, but met with the opposition of certain elements which, while they favored the propaganda for the German language in parts of Austria and Hungary, could see no reason for such a movement in the United States.

There are associations of German veterans and reservists, many mutual aid and benefit societies, the wellknown singing societies, and innumerable other organizations.

Under the influence of the new propaganda, all these societies were brought into closer touch with one another. In 1897 the German societies of Pennsylvania were organized into a state federation. Other states followed, and in 1901 the state federations were united in the National German-American Alliance.3 This achievement the Germans regard as of the greatest importance for their future. The Alliance claims to be the head and front of everything German in the United States.

The Alliance now claims to reach through its subordinate state and local federations and individual societies no less than two million German citizens. Its principal objects, as officially announced, are to increase the feeling of solidarity and unity among the German element; to oppose nativistic efforts; to remove purely educational tests as a requirement for citizenship; to combat Puritan influences, particularly prohibition and the restriction of the liquor traffic; to bring about legis

1 Deutschamerikanischer Lehrerbund.

2 National deutschamerikanischer Schulverein. * Deutschamerikanischer Nationalbund.

lation making compulsory the teaching of German in certain grades of the public schools, and to revise school histories in the direction of emphasizing German influences in the national and institutional development of the United States.

Ever since its organization the Alliance has been energetically pursuing these objects. It is active in supporting the training school at Milwaukee. Prizes and medals are offered to encourage scholarship in German. Its standing committee on historical study examines textbooks to assure itself that the German cause is given proper consideration. At the recent national convention it recommended the introduction of the study of German history in the public schools 'for the reason that only with a knowledge of the history of German politics and culture could an understanding of American history be acquired.' It is made the duty of every subordinate society to see to it that its members become voters as soon as possible. 'Become citizens and exercise your right of suffrage. Accept public office and support German candidates,' was the admonition of the president of the Alliance in a recent address.

Though disclaiming partisan politics, the organization has always urged its members to vote for candidates favoring legislation on behalf of the German language and the 'liberal' view as opposed to prohibition. Several states have made the teaching of German in the grade schools obligatory upon petition of a certain number of

voters.

Prohibition appears to have been the favorite bugbear of the Alliance from the beginning. It would be hard to equal the bitterness of the opposition to this movement. A 'shameful and despicable propaganda,' a 'criminal activity,' the 'work of a dark

brood,' are some of the epithets which the official Bulletin reports its members as using. In some way it has come to be regarded as directed especially against the German element. "The question involves the existence of the German people in the United States, just as the existence of Germany and Austria are at stake on the battlefields of Europe,' declared the president of the Alliance recently. This hatred is due to the belief that prohibition is peculiarly representative of Puritanism; and Puritanism, to their minds, is the typical product of the Anglo-Saxon spirit.

And right here the Alliance has drawn the racial line. It was indicated by the opposition to the treaty of arbitration with England proposed by President Taft, and in the attempts to frustrate every movement looking to a better understanding with Englishspeaking nations- what the leaders of the Alliance have denominated 'Anglo-Saxon imperialism.' As announced in the official Bulletin, 'The National Alliance is waging war against Anglo-Saxonism, against the fanatical enemies of personal liberty, and political freedom; it is combating narrowminded, benighted knownothingism, the influence of the British, and the enslaving Puritanism which had its birth in England.' 'German, German to the core,' is the watchword proclaimed by the New York Staatszeitung, the most influential German daily in the United States. This newspaper denounced the Young amendment to the New York constitution, which proposed to make the ability to read and write the English language a requirement for the suffrage. 'It is a pro-British propaganda,' the Staatszeitung declared, 'and it will not cease with the end of the war, but will only begin at that time. It affects primarily us Americans of German blood, who, in this war also, will

be put upon our own resources. The race war which we shall be compelled to go through on American soil will be our world-war.'

III

With the outbreak of the war in Europe the separatist ideal was intensified and the activities of the Alliance multiplied. Word was sent to every locality to organize a press bureau; to be ready to send communications to the local newspapers in answer to any unfriendly criticism of Germany, and, if no retraction followed, to cancel subscriptions. A special call for this work was issued to schoolteachers and to all those who had studied in Germany. From the headquarters of the Alliance resolutions were sent to nearly every newspaper in the United States demanding that it follow a policy of impartiality in its news service and editorial columns. Finally, as these measures did not bring about a revulsion of sentiment in favor of the Fatherland, all publications friendly to the Allies were denounced as controlled by British capital or suborned by the 'reptile fund' of Downing Street. 'Read German papers only,' became the watchword. As a result, it was claimed that the circulation of many papers printed in English experienced a serious decline, while the German press prospered correspondingly.

The Anglo-Saxon rights to assemble and petition the government were availed of with frequency and ostentation. 'We have long since given up the attempt to convert the Anglo-Americans we must now impress them with our power,' advised the Westliche Post. Accordingly, mass meetings were held which every loyal German was urged to attend. Forms of petitions favoring the Vollmer Resolution, which forbade the export of arms, were sent

to every society with the request that they be filled out and forwarded to members of Congress. The 'American Truth Society,' an organization inspired by the Alliance, sent questionnaires to every representative and senator for the purpose of learning his attitude on this and other questions. Those sending in unsatisfactory answers threatened with the united opposition of the German element. 'Not as Republicans, not as Democrats, not as Progressives should we vote,' declared one of the leaders, but as GermanAmericans, as hyphenated citizens.'

were

To this, of course, no objection could be raised. But it was not long before partisanship developed into an abuse of these constitutional privileges. In the dark days following the Lusitania tragedy, when it was a matter of honor with every American to forget personal prejudices in unswerving loyalty to the country, the summons was sent from the headquarters of the Alliance to every state organization requesting it to wire the President that their members and an overwhelming majority of the citizens of their respective states were opposed to drastic measures against Germany as unjustified. In response to this mandate telegrams poured in upon a sorely harassed executive, denouncing the victims of the tragedy for having traveled on a British ship; asserting that the tragedy would not have occurred had this government put an embargo on munitions and insisted upon the right to ship provisions to the central allies; that England had purposely failed in her duty to convoy the Lusitania in order to invite her destruction and bring on a war with Germany; and urging that reparation be demanded of the British government.

At a mass meeting of German citizens in St. Louis resolutions were adopted, excusing the sinking on the

ground of our unneutral attitude in failing to lay an embargo on munitions. "The American passengers were warned by the German Ambassador in the English newspapers. That warning saved the lives of hundreds of Americans, and for this Count von Bernstorff should receive the thanks of the American people.' At a mass meeting in New York, which Captains von Papen and Boy-Ed and the Turkish Consul-General attended as guests, one speaker declared that 'so long as our government permits the export of arms, so long will German-Americans refuse to ask that ships like the Lusitania be spared.' The degree of patriotism that inspired some of the promoters of this demonstration may be judged from the fact that one of the prominent speakers was subsequently indicted with the notorious Franz von Rintelen, for conspiracy in restraint of the foreign commerce of the United States.

When the mass of petitions failed to move the administration, it was denounced as merely the Washington branch of the English government; the Secretary of State was dubbed the messenger boy of Sir Edward Grey, and the heads of the government were contemptuously referred to as the ammunition brokerage firm of Wilson and Bryan.' Apparently our German friends had entirely forgotten the provisions of sections ninety-four to ninetyseven of the Reichsstrafgesetzbuch, which would have been promptly applied to similar conduct in the beloved Fatherland.

The denunciations which GermanAmericans have heaped upon the unfortunates of the Lusitania for their foolhardiness in risking their lives and jeopardizing the friendly relations of the United States and Germany can be aptly turned against the National Alliance itself. The April issue of the offi