various forms of composition, and stamped by the concurrence and approbation of the most acute, judicious, and unsparing critics, justifies, beyond a shadow of doubt, his pretension to be viewed as the valorous knight, who was called, in the order of destiny, to break the spell which appeared, at least to our good-natured European brethren, to be thrown over us in this respect; to achieve the great and hitherto unaccomplished adventure of establishing a purely American literary reputation of the first order; and demonstrate the capacity of his countrymen to excel in the elegant, as they had before done in all the useful and solid branches of learning. To have done this is a singular title of honor, and will always remain such, whatever laurels of a different kind may hereafter be won by other pretenders. Thaddeus Stevens. BORN in Danville, Caledonia Co., Vt., 1792. DIED in Washington, D. C., 1868. THE DEFECTION OF DANIEL WEBSTER. [From a Speech on the Admission of California, U. S. H. of R., 10 June, 1850.] SIR, IR, so long as man is vain and fallible, so long as great men have like passions with others, and, as in republics, are surrounded with stronger temptations, it were better for themselves if their fame acquired no inordinate height until the grave had precluded error. The errors of obscure men die with them, and cast no shame on their posterity. How different with the great! How much better had it been for Lord Bacon, that greatest of human intellects, had he never, during his life, acquired glory, and risen to high honors in the state, than to be degraded from them by the judgment of his peers. How much better for him and his, had he lived and died unknown, than to be branded through all future time as the "Wisest, brightest, meanest of mankind." So now, in this crisis of the fate of liberty, if any of the renowned men of this nation should betray her cause, it were better that they had been unknown to fame. It need not be hoped that the brightness of their past glory will dazzle the eyes of posterity, or illumine the pages of impartial history. A few of its rays may linger on a fading sky, but they will soon be whelmed in the blackness of darkness. For, unless progressive civilization, and the increasing love of freedom throughout VOL. V.-17 the Christian and civilized world are fallacious, the Sun of Liberty, of universal liberty is already above the horizon, and fast coursing to his meridian splendor, when no advocate of slavery, no apologist of slavery, can look upon his face and live. WE AFTER EMANCIPATION-SUFFRAGE. [From a Speech on Reconstruction, U. S. H. of R., 3 January, 1867.] E have broken the material shackles of four million slaves. We have unchained them from the stake so as to allow them locomotion, provided they do not walk in paths trod by white men. We have allowed them the unwonted privilege of attending church, if they can do so without offending the sight of their former masters. We have even given them that highest and most agreeable evidence of liberty as defined by the "great plebeian," the "right to work." But in what have we enlarged their liberty of thought? In what have we taught them the science and granted them the privilege of self-government? We have imposed upon them the privileges of fighting our battles, of dying in defence of freedom, and of bearing their equal portion of the taxes; but where have we given them the privilege of even participating in the formation of the laws for the government of their native land? By what civil weapon have we enabled them to defend themselves against oppression and injustice? Call you this liberty? Call you this a free republic, where four millions are subjects but not citizens? Then Persia, with her kings and satraps, was free! Then Turkey is free! Their subjects had liberty of motion and labor, but the laws were made without and against their will; but I must declare that, in my judgment, they were as really free governments as ours is to-day. Think not I would slander my native land: I would reform it. Twenty years ago I denounced it as a despotism. Then, twenty million white men enchained four million black men. I pronounce it no nearer to a true republic now, when twenty-five millions of a privileged class exclude five millions from all participation in the rights of the government. The freedom of a government does not depend upon the quality of its laws, but upon the power that has the right to create them. During the dictatorship of Pericles, his laws were just, but Greece was not free. During the last century Russia has been blest with most remarkable emperors, who have generally decreed wise and just laws, but Russia is not free. No government can be free that does not allow all its citizens to participate in the formation and execution of her laws. These are degrees of tyranny; but every other government is a despotism. It has always been observed that the larger the number of the rulers the more cruel the treatment of the subject races. It were better for the black man if he were governed by one king than by twenty million. But it will be said, "this is negro equality." What is negro equality, about which so much is said by knaves, and some of which is believed by men who are not fools? It means, as understood by honest Republicans, just this and no more; every man, no matter what his race or color, every earthly being who has an immortal soul, has an equal right to justice, honesty and fair play with every other man; and the law should secure him those rights. The same law which condemns or acquits an African should condemn or acquit a white man. The same law which gives a verdict in a white man's favor should give a verdict in a black man's favor, on the same state of facts. Such is the law of God, and such ought to be the law of man. John Howard Payne. BORN in New York, N. Y., 1791. DIED in Tunis, Africa, 1852. HOME, SWEET HOME! [As originally sung by Miss M. Tree, in Payne's Operatic Play, "Clari, the Maid of Milan." 1823.] MID pleasures and palaces though we may roam, Be it ever so humble, there's no place like home; A charm from the sky seems to hallow us there, There's no place like Home! There's no place like Home! An exile from home, splendor dazzles in vain, The birds singing gayly, that came at my call Give me them,-and the peace of mind, dearer than all! Home, Home, Sweet, Sweet Home! There's no place like Home! There's no place like Home! CRUS MILITARY PUNCTILIO. [From "The Lancers: An Interlude." 183-.] SCENE.-A Drawing-Room. CRUSTY, BELTON, LENOX, and PETER discovered. RUSTY. And now, gentlemen, as we're beginning a new arrangement, we'll settle the former one at once, if you please. [Feeling in his pocket.] I have supplied you with everything for the last fortnight; and, as I have a little bill to make up, should be very glad of your assistance. [Hands the bill.] BEL. Upon my word, sir, you are too complimentary. In making up a bill, I know of no gentleman who stands so little in need of assistance as yourself. [Going to take the bill.] LEN. Stop, Belton! [Making a sign to him.] Allow me-it does not concern you— BEL. How so? LEN. You know 'tis my turn to pay, this month. BEL. Not it; you paid last. LEN. [To Crusty.] Don't mind a word he says. CRU. Oh! 'tis all one to me which pays. BEL. [Twirling him to his side.] But not to me, Mr. Crusty. LEN. [Twirling him to his own side.] Mr. Crusty, if you take his money, we shall quarrel. CRU. I consent to take yours. BEL. [Pulling him by the arm.] I insist on it, you shall not. LEN. [Turning him.] I insist on it, you shall. CRU. And I insist on having my money from one or the other. LEN. [Stiffly.] Mr. Belton, I forbid you to pay that bill. BEL. [In the same tone.] Mr. Lenox, I forbid you to pay that bill. CRU. The devil you do! Where's my money to come from, then? LEN. This is my tenth quarrel with him on the same point. He never has his hand out of his pocket. CRU. Pray, then, let him take it out for me. BEL. Do you think I'll suffer you to be always saddling yourself with my expenses? CRU. Come, now, submit this time. See how it annoys him to be prevented. LEN. This is beyond endurance! BEL. Really, I could not have expected any man in his senses to be so absurd. LEN. Absurd! I beg, sir, you will be less unguarded in your expressions-Absurd! |