legitimate privileges? No, we only sought that which we were entitled to under the Constitution which she gave to the Province. It might be said to be wrong even to talk of this kind of resistance. But how had Catholic emancipation been carried? By a population who created a state of public opinion that forced the change. Slave emancipation had been effected by the population urging the measure, within the limits of the Constitution, until the government was compelled to yield to the demand. Did they resort to physical force, or go beyond the Constitution? No. And are Nova Scotians to be tied up within narrower limits? Are we to be afraid of opening our mouths? Must we lisp our complaints in "the bondman's key?" You may be chastened down to that; but, as far as my influence goes, it shall be after I am dead. I have thus got through that rebellious document, and shown to you that there is not a line of it that a Briton might not write in the presence of the Queen herself, that the language is not stronger than was required,—not stronger than was used in New Brunswick. I may say, that in performing our duties, we never overstepped the boundaries of what you gave us in charge. I did intend to have commented on some other matters that occurred, but as I have occupied so much of your time, and as some feelings with which I commenced have passed away, I will hasten to a conclusion.

Having given a fair candid argument on the merits of the case before the meeting, having reviewed the arguments that have been brought against the House of Assembly, it is for you to consider what is finally to be done. The question is not to be settled by meetings of one kind or the other: as the former meeting had been called we could not well avoid calling this, but I regret that both have been called. One effect of them will be the holding of public meetings throughout the country, that impotent attempt to put down the Legislature, will run like wild fire and arouse the indignant feelings of the population; they will declare that they are not to be controlled by any two hundred or three hundred persons assembled in this town, and they will say this by an expression of feeling in their own districts. Suppose I choose to call meetings in the country parts of Nova Scotia, what is to prevent me? This point reminds me that in passing over the remarks made by Mr. Wilkins on Saturday, I did not do him justice. When some at the meeting wished to make it appear not to be one-sided, he said that it was, and that there ought to be no mistake about it. That was the manly way of opposing a party. I now however, as he has entered the arena at Halifax, challenge him to convene the County of Hants under his parlor windows, and if I do not get a majority there to support the

House of Assembly, then I will say that I do not know the independent yeomanry of the county in which he lives.

Mr. Wilkins. I did not make use of the expression to cast any reflection on the meeting - I approved of it.

Mr. Howe. So it is stated in the report. I would not do the learned gentleman any injustice; I respect him too highly; I respect any man of fair and open conduct. But I say to those who pride themselves so much on the meeting of Saturday, that if meetings were called in the seventeen counties of the Province, I believe that in fourteen of them the policy of the House of Assembly would be supported; and if it were necessary that these county meetings should be called, there would be no doubt that they would result in our favor. Was it wise, then to disturb the country by such a manifestation? I do not think it was wise to agitate the subject more than was necessary, but the object of the meeting was to turn out the representatives of the town and county. Some hints of that kind were given, and if that were avowed, the mode would be fair and manly. But suppose that the whole of us should be turned out, and that four were put in to represent the opinions of the Saturday's meeting, what then would be the effect? I have made a calculation of what I believe to be the real state of the country; I may be mistaken, but I believe that the result of all the elections will be to give thirty-four in favor of the principles of the present House, and fourteen or sixteen against them. It is for you to make your choice. Will you send representatives to sit in the majority or the minority? When the time comes, the constituency, I take it for granted, will express their opinions openly and manfully, and those who gave three cheers for the glorious minority-who did indeed cover themselves with glory-may be at the general election, in a glorious minority themselves. If I am to retire, I have sufficient work to engage my attention; I will retire to my books and my pen, which no meetings can deprive me of, and in spite of any of those, my voice shall still he heard in British North America. If the constituency tell me to go back to the House, I am willing to grapple for four years more with the public business of the country; and if they are required, my best exertions shall be devoted to your service. If they are not, I will employ my energies elsewhere, I trust with advantage to the town and the country. All my aim is to raise the population of my native land; I might have gone over to the opposite ranks, where perhaps I would have been fawned upon, but I long since decided to live among, and act with the great body of my countrymen. I will be fearless and hopeful if baffled, and I hope not too triumphant if I succeed.

I turn to a passage in the report, in which one of the speakers at the meeting of Saturday said, it expressed the opinions of the "respectable part" of the community. I may inquire what is respectability? Is it to be admitted to Government House? [Cries of No!] It is just possible that persons who are not very respectable sometimes are admitted there. My idea of respectability is, that it is founded in virtue, industry, talent, and integrity, public and private. When we are told by the two hundred or two hundred and fifty persons who met here on Saturday, that they composed all the respectability of the town-[cries of "That was not said; it was said great part of the respectability." "No." "Yes." Uproar.] I am referring to the reporter's notes, and I find that these often comprise words which the speakers forget, but as the expression is disavowed, I am well pleased, and I believe that there are not many who would concur in it.

It is for the constituency to decide on the subjects which have been brought to your notice. I do not fear the result of their reflections. Those who decided the last elections may, if united and firm, decide the next. That question however, is not to be decided at this meeting, it will be put when the proper time arrives. I have no fears as to what will be your determination; and I know that the fishermen along the shores, who used to be carted up, or shipped in boat loads like cattle, to elections, have become more intelligent than they were; more awake to their true interests, and to the justice of the cause in which we are engaged; and I have no fear of the old influences operating on this class of the freeholders to any great extent. The farmers on the peninsula, and beyond it, are also with the Assembly, and the intelligent yeomanry of the country will be with us almost to a man. That may be too much to say, but when it is said that property is against us, I look to Colchester, and can hardly see ten Tories in the whole of it. In King's also, the population are with the House; the same in Hants, and so on through thirteen or fourteen of the counties. [Cries of "Pictou."] I am quite prepared for Pictou, also. In that county there are about 2000 freeholders. An address recently came down to the Governor with 2,700 names attached to it, another for the opposite side, has obtained about 1,200 signatures, nearly all of them freeholders; so that out of 2000, if the other address is to have weight, they manage to make nearly 4000! That county is well known to be divided into two parties, of nearly equal numbers. At the last election the county supported Mr. Dickson, he carried his election by about thirty, and voted for the address of the House; so that that county is with us, as regards the last election, and when it comes to be tried again, we will take our chance of obtaining a share.

In conclusion, I have to thank you for your attendance, and for the kindness with which you have heard me. If I have said any thing which I ought to have left unsaid, any thing that may be considered personal, unfair, or likely to give offence, I here withdraw it. Several who hear me may have signed an address to his Excellency, supposing at the moment that he had been hardly used, but in your memory can you recollect any Governor or Admiral, who had not addresses got up for him, by some of the leaders of that meeting? Whatever benefit they did those individuals, many of them did not perhaps accomplish much for the community. Whether your representatives acted right or wrong, believe me that they did what they have done with good motives, and that it was the political conduct alone of the Governor on which their censure was passed. I believe in my conscience that, at this moment, Sir Colin more sincerely respects some of those who voted for that address, than he does others who clung around him when they should have left him free, and who now vainly endeavor to defend him. Whether he is to blame or not, Governors come and go, but the Province remains forever. Let us then not be deterred from the performance of our duties, however painful, but go on calmly and good humoredly, reflecting credit on the community by peaceful agitation, until the foundations of the British Constitution are securely laid, and then enjoy happiness under it, neither seeking nor wishing any further change. [Three hearty cheers were given at the conclusion of Mr. Howe's address.]

This was a busy summer for the reformers. Their leader had his hands full. His first duty, after the hostile movement in the capital was neutralized or defeated, was to review the Solicitor General's speech. This he did in two letters, which will be found, among others, in the second volume. They are preserved as specimens of manner and style at this period, but many of the topics discussed have long ceased to interest us. From the capital, the war was carried into the interior by the supporters of the Governor. Meetings were called in Kings, Cumberland, Yarmouth, and Digby, but the Governor's friends were beaten. Three counties only, out of seventeen, responded to their call. Before midsummer it was apparent that the questions at issue were understood by the country, and that, whatever the decision in England might be, Mr. Howe would be sustained at home.

In May it was announced that Lord John Russell had declined to present the Assembly's address to the Queen, and that Sir Colin would be sustained. In June it was intimated that he was going to England. The excitement all over the Province was very great. Mr. Howe was invited to public dinners in Kings and Annapolis, and delivered speeches upon the topics of the day to large bodies of yeomanry.

On the 9th of July, the steamer Unicorn arrived from Quebec. His Excellency the Governor General came in her, and it soon became known that he intended to assume the government. Being sworn in, he at once proceeded to business. The leading men of both parties were sent for, and their opinions invited. We have often heard Mr. Howe laugh over his share in these conferences. Prior to the Governor General's arrival, he had been offered a seat in Council, upon condition that he would renounce the heretical principles enunciated in his letters to Lord John Russell. He declined the honor upon those terms. On the arrival of Mr. Powlett Thompson, Mr. Howe's pamphlet was put into his hands, as evidence of the utterly absurd views which the writer entertained. On being questioned Mr. Howe offered to read the pamphlet to His Excellency, and convince him that there was not only no harm, but a great deal of good in it; that responsible government was just as practicable in Nova Scotia as in England, and that it was the only remedy for the manifold grievances of which all the Colonies in North America complained. The reading went on. Mr. Thompson was asked to object to what he disapproved. Upon a few points he invited discussion or desired explana tions. The objections started were removed, the explanations sought were given, and before Mr. Howe left the room the foundation was laid of that mutual confidence and respect which only terminated a year after with the premature and melancholy death of the Governor General.

Before Mr. Thompson left Nova Scotia it was apparent that the old system was doomed, and that Sir Colin would be removed. Expressions in his reply to an address from the people of Halifax were caught at as negativing this presumption, but those who had had an opportunity of discussing politics with