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another to sound the tocsin and beat the générale, while a third was to ask the Commandant if he would support the agitators or not; and, finally, when the whole body of the Guards should be assembled, the Hôtel de Ville was to be cleared. The delegates met in the Salle Valentino on the morning of the 20th, and many violent women, dressed in black, some carrying red and others black flags, were among the crowd. The men wore red cockades. Commandant Arnaud arrived at the Salle Valentino about noon, and requested to be allowed to enter the hall, but was refused. He was then hustled and struck, and his sword broken. He thereupon drew his revolver and fired twice, but was immediately overpowered. He was tried by the rabble in the Salle Valentino, condemned to death, and immediately taken a short distance off and shot by a party of National Guards. The time occupied in conveying Commandant Arnaud to the place of execution was about ten minutes, but no attempt was made to rescue him.

During the months of November and December the following strong places fell into the hands of the Germans. Verdun on Nov. 9th, with 4000 prisoners and 136 guns; Neu Brisach on the 10th, with 5000 prisoners and 100 guns; Thionville on the 24th, with 4000 prisoners and 250 guns; La Fère on the 27th, with 2000 prisoners and 70 guns; Phalsburg on Dec. 12th, with 52 officers, 1837 men, and 65 guns; Montmedy, with 3000 prisoners and 65 guns on or about the 15th. General Talhouet, the Commandant at Phalsburg, showed much spirit. Though informed by the besiegers of the defeat of D'Aurelle on the Loire, he refused to surrender as long as he had any rations left.

The tenacity of the French provincials in defence of their soil, and the enduring authority of the Provincial Government had probably not entered into the calculations of the German leaders when they resolved on prosecuting the war after the victory of Sedan, and making the readjustment of the frontier a sine quâ non. It was now evident that their forces, thinned by battle and to some extent by exposure and disease, had more than enough to do in maintaining their lines of investment on the one hand, and fighting off the provincial armies of defence on the other. But the struggle, once fairly embarked in, was to be carried out, cost what it might, and accordingly a new levy of German Landwehr, to the amount of some 200,000 men, was demanded from Germany and sent across the Rhine about the middle of December.

Before Christmas the frost set in with a severity such as had not been experienced for many years. The trial to both besieged and besiegers at Paris was terrible. Sentries died at their outposts. Works of offence and defence had to be suspended. At last in the councils of the German army it was resolved that the long threatened bombardment should no longer be delayed. It was necessary to begin with the forts. Fire was first opened from the formidable Krupp guns upon Mont Avron (an improvised work to the north-east of the city, thrown up since the siege began in advance of the forts on the Belleville plateau) on the 27th of

December. After one day's bombardment Mont Avron ceased replying, and on the 29th the 12th German army corps marched up and occupied the position. When the year closed the bombardment was being vigorously and successfully carried on from this position on the neighbouring forts of Rosny and Le Nogent.

The unexpected ease with which the capture of Mont Avron was made was owing to the French having been taken utterly by surprise on the occasion. The Germans, working through ground frozen six inches deep, had constructed their batteries so skilfully and secretly, under the cover of trees and walls, that their position was completely masked, and when the bombardment opened, the astonished French found themselves exposed to a cross fire, one battery sweeping their flank, pouring in shot and shell, whilst the garrison, unable to change front under the heavy fire, could not reply with a single shot. Accordingly they made a rapid retreat that same night, taking some guns with them, and spiking the rest. Some of the German shells that were thrown into Belleville were computed to have gone a distance of nearly six English miles. The siege of Paris was now officially recognized as "active" at the Prussian head-quarters. Lieut.-General von Kameke was appointed chief engineer, and Major-General Prince Hohenlohe was placed in command of the batteries. Colonels Rieff and Bartsch were nominated as chief assistants.

It seems that the failure of the sortie on the 21st December had caused profound discouragement within the walls of Paris. An inhabitant, writing on the 26th, says, " Belleville is causing some uneasiness again, and in spite of the check received in October, the leaders of the 'Red' party are once more clamouring for the Commune as the only means for saving France. In public meetings and in the columns of the Combat and the Réveil a new 31st of October is openly proclaimed, and we are menaced with an army of 60,000 combatants of both sexes, who intend to establish a government consisting of 400 Republicans, with Garibaldi for president. Flourens is to be drawn from his prison, Felix Pyat from his cellar, Blanqui from his sewer, and Delescluze from his mairie, and with these promising elements the national system is to be reinvigorated and the country rescued. On all sides there is a cry that the Government should give some symptom of vigour, and not go on glimmering feebly. It is almost placed beyond doubt that the Prussians are accurately informed of every move made in Paris, although General Trochu, when he is about to make a grand display, has the gates hermetically closed." Meanwhile the deathrate in Paris had reached to double its ordinary amount. Provisions were getting dearer and dearer. Trochu's grand "plan" of deliverance seemed no nearer its accomplishment.

That expectations of a speedy capitulation of the French capital now began to take shape in the minds of outside observers in general is no matter of astonishment.

CHAPTER IV.

GERMANY.-North German Parliament-Question of admitting Baden to the Bund—
Parties-German Democrats-Particularists-Ammergau Passion-Play-Meeting
of Parliament in July-King William's Speech-Iron Cross-Sick and Wounded
Societies-German concord-Coast preparations-German Army-Berlin rejoic-
ings at Victories-Opinion on Annexation of Alsace and Lorraine-Dr. Jacoby's
Speech-German Unification and Reconstruction-North German Parliament—
Imperial Crown offered to King William, and accepted-Russian Note about the
Black Sea-Luxembourg Neutrality.
AUSTRO-HUNGARY-Cisleithan Affairs-Giskra Ministry-Changes in the Cabinet-
Count Beust's Circular-Dissolution of Reichsrath-State of Opinion about the
War-Abrogation of Concordat-Bohemian Difficulties-Transleithan Affairs—
Hungary-Prince Gortschakoff's Note-Count Bismarck to Count Beust on the
Unification of Germany under the King of Prussia.

GERMANY.

On the 1st of January, Count Bismarck entered on his duties as Foreign Minister, no longer of Prussia, but of the North German Confederation; henceforth holding that office in addition to his newly resumed functions as Chancellor. Two subordinates were appointed for him in the Chancellorship, whose business it should be to attend to minor details; these were Herr von Thile, who was likewise to act as Secretary for Foreign Affairs; and Herr von Delbrück, to act as Secretary for Home Affairs.

At the opening of the parliamentary year in Bavaria and Saxony the anti-Prussian party seemed to be somewhat in the ascendant. The new Chamber which met at Munich elected as President the Ultramontane Candidate, Herr Weis, by a large majority over Barth, who was proposed by the Liberals. On opening the Diet the King declared his intention of upholding Bavarian independence. At Dresden the first opposition to the policy advocated at Berlin was taken in the Upper House, on the ground of the new federal penal code. Count Hohenthal opposed the extension of the agreement enabling the North German Confederation to dictate laws regarding the internal affairs of the separate States. Professor Heintze censured the proposed mode of dealing with political crimes, as tending to lower the separate States to the condition of provinces, and making their rulers merely mediatised federal princes. Against the strong appeals of the Ministers, also, a motion was carried in the First Chamber, by a small majority, in favour of disarmament.

In the Prussian Diet itself Count Bismarck had to encounter opposition from the non-centralizing party, who wished to continue the separate sittings of the Diet after the assembling of the North German Parliament. Such persistence, he warned them, in treat

ing the affairs of Prussia on a particularist basis would lead to serious difficulties. On the 12th of February, the Federal Parliament was opened by the King in person. He announced that the Assembly would be called upon to extend and complete the institutions which had been agreed upon by the separate Governments of the Confederation. He adverted particularly to the new penal code, which was to establish a uniform system of criminal procedure throughout North Germany, thereby greatly advancing the work of national unity. Other domestic measures were likewise about to be presented to them. Dr. Simson, the Government candidate, was re-elected President of the Assembly by a large majority. On the 24th an important debate took place on a resolution brought forward by the National-Liberal party in favour of the speedy admission of the Grand Duchy of Baden into the North German Bund; but the measure was opposed by the great centralizer himself, Bismarck. Whether from fear of hurrying on a quarrel with France, or from whatever reason, he found it in this case expedient to backen the impulse he had himself excited. The adhesion of Baden was not yet desirable, he said, and would tend to retard the natural progress of the South German States if precipitately carried out. The North German Confederation would reserve to itself the right of designating a more favourable moment for the reception of the Grand Duchy as one of its members. But whilst abstaining from any territorial extension of the Bund, he did not neglect to make more sure the ground already gained. Thus, a measure was passed to assimilate weights and measures throughout North Germany in connexion with the intended assimilation of the coinage. A copyright measure was also passed. The Opposition, indeed, carried a resolution in favour of the abolition of capital punishment, which conflicted with the new penal code, and called forth a strong remonstrance from the Chancellor ; but this resolution was rescinded in deference to his assurances that the best interests of German unity were involved; and the general penal code for North Germany was finally passed, before the close of the Session. On the 20th of May, the Parliament broke up. The King of Prussia in his closing speech congratulated its members very warmly on the importance of the work they had accomplished. Among other results achieved, he said, the organization of the Army of the Confederation was now complete, and the war force of the Bund was in process of being developed in a manner that promised to lend this branch of the national defences an importance in harmony with the just demands of the German nation. In conclusion he expressed his conviction that the satisfaction felt by himself and the Members of Parliament at the result of their labours was shared "throughout Germany and beyond its frontiers." "The great successes," he remarked, "which have been obtained in a comparatively short space of time in the path of free agreement between the Government and the national representatives, both with each other and among themselves, afford the

German people a guarantee for the fulfilment of the hopes which were raised by the creation of the Bund, for they prove that the German mind, without renouncing that free development on which its strength depends, is able to find the way to unity in the common love all bear to the Fatherland. The same successes, won by fidelity and vigorous labours for the general welfare and education, for freedom and order at home, afford also to foreign countries the certainty that the North German Confederation, in developing its internal institutions and its national treaty alliance with South Germany, is perfecting the strength of the German people, not to the greater danger, but to the more powerful support of universal peace, to the preservation of which the respect and confidence of foreign peoples and Governments will contribute."

As soon as the labours of the session were over, the King, accompanied by Bismarck, left Berlin for Ems, on a visit to the Emperor of Russia.

Preparations by Bismarck for the political incorporation with Prussia of the little Duchy of Lauenburg, which had been annexed to the monarchy since 1865, hardly merit attention amid the larger events which were gathering on the horizon by the middle of the summer. But we may mention, as another instance besides the rejected proposition of Baden, of the growing feeling in the southern portion of Germany for union with the North, a meeting of the socalled German party at Stuttgardt in the month of April, at which resolutions were passed to the effect that nothing but an unhesitating adhesion by Wurtemberg to the already united Germany could secure the progress of the country; and that the existing treaty relations with North Germany afforded a basis on which a complete system of Federation could be carried out.

The opinions of the Progressive-unionists, however, were far from being universally prevalent among the so-called Liberals of Germany, either North or South. The social-democratic party had a large following, and this party again was split up into minor sections, of which the one harmonizing sentiment was the vision of an International Working Man's Utopia, involving the downfall of feudalism, and in the meantime, steady hostility to the rule and policy of Count Bismarck. The section called the "Democratie Workmen's" party, nicknamed the "Honest" party, whose headquarters were at Stuttgardt and Leipsic, desired to break up Europe, and more especially Prussia and the North German Confederation, into a number of small Communistic Republics. Their leaders were Bebel, a master-turner, and Liebknecht, a journalist; and the paper called the Volks Staat (Leipzic) was their literary organ. At first these men acted, in political matters, in harmony with the so-called Volkspartei; but the leaders of the Volkspartei, though Republican in principle, were not Socialistic; moreover their main strength lay in the middle classes, which the "Honest" party regarded with especial aversion. It did not seem likely, therefore, that the alliance between these two descriptions of German Radicals would

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