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Page 2
... south of the line but prohibited above it . I am so utterly withdrawn from public affairs that nothing could arouse me but the adoption of a geographical line which on an abstract principle dangerously sectionalizes the country ...
... south of the line but prohibited above it . I am so utterly withdrawn from public affairs that nothing could arouse me but the adoption of a geographical line which on an abstract principle dangerously sectionalizes the country ...
Page 28
... South had only themselves to blame . The Southampton affair , I said in the Libera- tor , was but the first violent gust of a far worse storm that was com- ing . " If we would not see our land deluged in blood , " I said , " we must ...
... South had only themselves to blame . The Southampton affair , I said in the Libera- tor , was but the first violent gust of a far worse storm that was com- ing . " If we would not see our land deluged in blood , " I said , " we must ...
Page 37
... South Carolina leveled murderous charges against us , crying that the abolitionist attack was all - out war against the South and that the petitions should not even be received . This prompted Representative John Quincy Adams of ...
... South Carolina leveled murderous charges against us , crying that the abolitionist attack was all - out war against the South and that the petitions should not even be received . This prompted Representative John Quincy Adams of ...
Page 43
... South Carolina and as the South's premier spokesman , I led the congressional fight that blocked the society's petition for Federal funds . I exposed it for what it was : an entering wedge for Federal emancipation or a means of ...
... South Carolina and as the South's premier spokesman , I led the congressional fight that blocked the society's petition for Federal funds . I exposed it for what it was : an entering wedge for Federal emancipation or a means of ...
Page 46
... South , confident in the justice of its cause and the moral rightness of its institutions . To counter the abolitionist attack , I devised a defense of slavery aimed at assuaging southern fears and self - doubts and win- ning the ...
... South , confident in the justice of its cause and the moral rightness of its institutions . To counter the abolitionist attack , I devised a defense of slavery aimed at assuaging southern fears and self - doubts and win- ning the ...
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abolition abolitionism abolitionist AL's ALCW American asked Baltimore bill Black Republicans Boston Buchanan Calhoun called Charleston civil Clay colonization Congress Constitution convention cried crowd damned Davis debate Declaration Democratic party disunion doctrine Douglass Dred Scott decision election emancipation equality Federal Fort Sumter free-state Freeport doctrine friends fugitive slave Garrison Goddamned Harpers Ferry Henry House ibid Illinois institutions Jefferson Jefferson Davis Johannsen John Brown Judge Douglas Kansas Kansas-Nebraska Act Kentucky Lecompton Lecompton constitution Liberator liberty Lincoln Mary Mississippi Missouri Compromise moral Nebraska Negro never Nevins nigger North northern platform political popular sovereignty President Press principle proslavery question race SAD's SADL secession Senate Seward Slave Power slaveholding slavery Society South Carolina southern speech Springfield Sumter territories tion told Trumbull Union Varina Virginia vote Washington Whig William Lloyd Garrison Wilmot Proviso WLGL York
Popular passages
Page 227 - We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. "A house divided against itself cannot stand.
Page 430 - One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.
Page 230 - Two years ago the Republicans of the nation mustered over thirteen hundred thousand strong. We did this under the single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with every external circumstance against us. Of strange, discordant, and even hostile elements, we gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought the battle through, under .the constant hot fire of a disciplined, proud and pampered enemy. Did we brave all then to falter now ? — now — when that same enemy is wavering, dissevered...
Page 342 - And he cried mightily with a strong voice, saying, Babylon the great is fallen, is fallen, and is become the habitation of devils, and the hold of every foul spirit. and a cage of every unclean and hateful bird.
Page 163 - Americans, South as well as North, shall we make no effort to arrest this? Already the liberal party throughout the world express the apprehension " that the one retrograde institution in America is undermining the principles of progress, and fatally violating the noblest political system the world ever saw.
Page 200 - This they said, and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth that all were then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that the enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit.
Page 243 - I have only to say, let us discard all this quibbling about this man and the other man — this race and that race and the other race being inferior, and therefore they must be placed in an inferior position — discarding our standard that we have left us.
Page 255 - Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State constitution?