tablished in due form, analagous to the practice of the British in Hindostan. General Clausel having discovered a refractory disposition in the Bey of Titery, a valuable dependency of Algiers situated in the interior of the country at the foot of Mount Atlas, very speedily brought the Turk to reason by despatching

against him a body of French troops, who took possession of his capital, and sent him prisoner to France. Everything, in fine, short of an express declaration of their purpose, indicates that the Government intend to consult the wishes of the whole Nation, in the disposition to be made of their new conquest in Africa.

INTELLIGENCE of the capture of Algiers was conveyed to Toulon in about sixty hours by a steamboat, and thence by the line of telegraphs to Paris, where it arrived on the 9th of July. The King immediately ordered Te Deum to be celebrated throughout France, and he himself attended the service in the cathedral church of Notre Dame. A kind of vertiginous madness appears to have seized on the King, the Dauphin, and the Ministers, from that hour. Elated with extravagant feelings of triumph, they deemed themselves sure of the same easy victory over the People, that they had achieved over the flying Bedouins of the desert. An absurd confidence in the support of the army, an almost insane audacity of purpose, an extraordinary delusion as to the spirit, and temper, and power of resistance, and organization of the Nation, all conspired to hurry on the weak Prince and his headlong advisers to swift destruction. In the course of the four or five days which followed the arcval of the news from Afri

ca, the Ministers wrought up their courage to the requisite degree of strength, on the faith of their late success in war, and resolved upon those memorable infringements of the Charter, which were to precipitate the King from his throne. It is said that M. Guernon de Ranville and M. de Peyronnet were the last to yield their assent to the meditated coup d'état. They had confidence in their ability as public speakers, and were long disposed to try the effect of discussion in the Chambers. But M. de Polignac proved the evil genius of the Monarchy; for he, who had originally been alone in the nefarious project of overturning the constitution, now succeeded in bringing all his associates into the views of himself, and of the irresponsible advisers, who governed the King.

If they had been a revolutionary committee of old regicides, plotting the assassination of Charles and his family, they could not have conducted their operations with more of guilty stealth and elaborate secrecy. The compo

sition of the Ordinances, and of the Report to the King or justificatory memoir by which they were to be accompanied, was not only executed by them, but even all the transcribing was performed by them, so that no clerk or amanuensis should have it in his power to divulge the portentous mystery. The Nation was amused with the most earnest assurances that no coup d'état was intended, no violation of the Charter, nothing like that, which was already fully decided upon and arranged in all its details; and these assurances were even extended to the foreign Ambassadors, who looked with natural anxiety on the threatening aspect of affairs. Nay, if rumor may be credited, Baron Rothschild, who, by his connexion with the public stocks, had a more direct interest in the question than any person except the Ministers and the royal family, was tranquillized by M. de Polignac with like deceptive declarations. Letters of convocation had been despatched to the Peers and Deputies, summoning them to meet the 3d of August. In short, a system of elaborate jesuitical duplicity and falsehood was adopted by these royal and noble felons, to conceal the conspiracy until the appointed time arrived for exploding their 'infernal machine.' Fortunately they cheated and deluded themselves even more than they did the Nation, and thus became the pitiable victims of their own folly and wickedness.

In reflecting upon the events of this period, it seems difficult to understand how any Ministers

could have been so ignorant of the state of public sentiment in France. The subdivisions of the Nation were by no means of the same kind with those of the Chambers. Opinions, to be sure, were in some sense represented by the legislative body; that is, individuals could be found there of each of the great classes of opinion, which divided the Nation. But the legislative representation was far from exact as a picture of the relative force of each party, and gave no sufficient indications of the existence or vigor of the two, which together comprised a majority of the People.

First there were the Ultras, the Emigrés, the Jesuits, the Church and King party, the divine right faction: for faction it well deserved to be called, as well in regard of its violence as the comparative smallness of its numbers. If they were few in number, they were desperate and uncalculating in policy, reckless of consequences and deaf to all argument or counsel. They had built up their project of absolutism with painful industry, and they clung to it with inexpressible obstinacy.

serve the integrity of the whole public system. These last were decidedly attached to the Bourbons as a dynasty, but not the less hostile to the Ultras, who were obviously rushing headlong upon destruction, and hurrying the King, the Charter, and themselves into one common ruin.

There was a name, a form, a memory, which, in the latter part of the reign of Charles, dwelt upon every lip, rose before every eye, held a hallowed spot in every bosom, and yet was proscribed by the Government with impotent fury in all the forms of petty persecution. That name belonged to a usurper, perhaps to a tyrant, in the modern as well as the classical interpretation of the word, and yet his form was multiplied in every work of art and taste, and his memory identified with all the glories and splendors of the Revolution. Bonaparte himself was no more; the Man' had perished on a desert rock in the midst of the ocean; but the Son of the Man" survived; and an ague fit seemed to seize on every fibre of a Bourbon at the very thought. While the inane countenance of Charles Tenth and the common place actions of his family were woven by authority in the brilliant threads of the Gobelin looms, or fatigued the pencil of Gérard and Gros; while Genius, yielding to the voice of Power, was vainly striving to immortalize the looks of men, who possessed an irresistible innate alacrity for sinking into oblivion; while the poor King

the privy purse, the inspired and inspiring features of Napoleon, and the achievements of his dazzling career, were independent of the sickly protection of Government patronage, and lived in the unbought guardianship of the Nation. The Press groaned with histories, memoirs, anecdotes, disquisitions, concerning him and his life; and yet the supply seemed to fall far short of the insatiable demand. Sir Walter Scott's eulogy on his character was denounced as a libel,—so inadequate did its praises appear to the craving admiration of the reading world in France. While the Government had no power to check the activity of the Press in thus affording exciting food to the popular enthusiasm, it was rendering itself ridiculous and exposing its imbecility by sending police officers to the distilleries of eau de cologne with orders to break the bottles moulded in Napoleon's form, and persecuting the paper stainers who adorned the hangings they manufactured with such disagreeable reminiscences as the bridge of Arcola, the Simplon, or the Pyramids. In short, it needed but a careless eye to see that for once the Government had made a correct observation of a fact. Bonaparte's was the popular name, the concentration of everything, which charmed the populace of France. It would be wrong to say that young Napoleon had a visible party; he had not; but the name was a magical worda potent talisman among the lower classes, a portion of the soldiery,