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the only controversy with a Foreign power then pending, namely, the difference with the United States on the subject of the "Alabama," might be brought to a friendly conclusion by arbitration. As regarded the internal condition of the country, it was still matter of complaint that the depressing effect so long exercised upon trade by the commercial crisis of 1865 continued to be felt, although the harvest of the preceding year had been very good, and symptoms of partial recovery in certain quarters were thought to be discernible. At the same time it was matter of observation, that the tardiness with which confidence revived was without parallel in the history of commercial revulsions. The public revenue, which had exhibited for several years remarkable buoyancy, had now begun to show signs of an opposite character,-the expenditure at the close of the year 1565 showing a balance, the extra cost of the Abyssinian expedition being included, of nearly two and a half millions over income. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, describing the condition of the revenue a few months after the beginning of the year, spoke of it as "showing not the slightest symptom of elasticity." The condition of Ireland had of late become rather more tranquil: the apprehensions of Fenian insurrection had for a time subsided, and it was hoped that the improved spirit of the population would be found to justify the Government in refraining from a further renewal of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act.

Political affairs occupied at this time an unusual share of public attention, and the prospects of the approaching Session of Parliament were discussed with great interest in all quarters. A new House of Commons had just been returned under the Acts lately passed for amending the representation of the people, and as an immediate consequence of the appeal to the constituencies, a new Administration had succeeded to the Conservative Cabinet, which, in deference to the voice of the nation, had retired of its own accord Mr. Gladstone, at the head of a Ministry which comprised some elements new to official life, and contained a strong infusion of Liberal principles of decided type, was regarded with hope by one party, with fear and distrust by another, as about to inaugurate a new era of democratic legislation. But all other interests connected with the approaching Session were overshadowed by that one absorbing question with which the new Premier had solemnly pledged his Cabinet to deal, and on which he had staked his political reputation, the disestablishment of the Protestant Church of Ireland. No legislative undertaking in modern times could be compared in difficulty and complexity to the measure thus projected, and although the opinion of the country at the recent election had in general terms been pronounced in favour of the principle, the task of putting the scheme into a statutory form, and carrying it with all its intricate details through the Legislature against the determined opposition of the interests affected, and of all who sympathized with those interests, was an enterprise that might well appal the most resolute statesman. So arduous did the enterprise appear that many

politicians, though not doubting the ultimate destination of the Establishment, confidently predicted that its overthrow could not be effected until after a long and obstinate struggle, involving probably the lapse of several years, and possibly the fate of more than one Administration.

The feeling with which the new Minister himself regarded the responsibilities of his position, and the spirit in which he approached the execution of his arduous work, will be best evinced by the language which he used at a political banquet given just before the meeting of Parliament by the Fishmongers' Company. In acknowledging the toast of Her Majesty's Ministers, proposed by the Prime Warden, Mr. Gladstone, after expressing his gratitude for the honour conferred upon them, proceeded to descant upon the public considerations arising out of their acceptance of office. "Never," he said, " in our history-certainly not within the history of living man-has there been an occasion upon which the issue raised at a general election was more intelligibly and distinctly raised than when the late House of Commons, condemned by the Government of the day, was summoned to the bar of popular opinion, there to receive its final acquittal or condemnation. Every man who had to give his suffrage throughout the country knew for or against what that suffrage was to be given; and if the issue was distinct the verdict also has been distinct-for upon no occasion has the nation made its meaning more clearly known, or laid down alike for those who are the objects of its preference, and for those whose opinions it was disposed to put aside-with greater clearness the lines of public policy and of action. We may be, perhaps, tempted upon such an occasion-but we ought to resist the temptation- to use the language of exultation. The task to which we have to address ourselves is an arduous task. I am not about to anticipate that sketch or outline of the policy and measures of the Session which almost within a few days will be communicated to Parliament and the world. But without dealing in secrets, those who have taken part in the struggles of the last autumn, and especially those who watch the determining issues of the late Session of Parliament, may well judge that we, having taken upon ourselves the heavy responsibility of raising and submitting to the judg ment of the Legislature such a question as the continuance of the religious establishment of one of the three countries-having been permitted thus far to make good our ground-to make it good, in the first instance, by repeated divisions in a House of Commons not unduly disposed to innovate-to make it good, above all, in that which our opponents were careful to tell us, and not unjustly, was the final appeal-I say there can be no doubt that we, having proceeded thus far, and having set our hand to the plough, are not now about to look back, but with faces steadily set onward to persevere with prudence and consideration, and without hesitation and without delay, to the great end we have in view. We are encouraged in this task in the first place by the constitutional

knowledge and character of that Sovereign whom we have the honour to serve, and whose delight it is to associate herself both with the interests and the convictions of her people. I may presume to say that I am also encouraged by the character and abilities of the men who have not shrunk from sharing with myself the responsibility of a Government that has now been fairly presented to the country, and which, I think, has met the public eye without attracting the public disapproval. We are strong, also, in that emphatic testimony which the public judgment-tested by the ordeal of the elections has pronounced in favour of the policy to which we are pledged; and, above all this, we are sustained and comforted by that upon which, in the last resort, every man, and especially every public man, ought to fall back, namely, the deep conviction that the cause to which he is devoted is the cause of justice and of the public weal. If there be curiosity as to the course which the Government will endeavour to pursue upon and shortly after the opening of the Session, I am afraid I must not attempt, at this moment, to gratify that most natural and intelligible sentiment. But I do venture to give a pledge that not a moment will be lost in the maturing of those measures which, when produced and explained, will, I believe, afford to all full gratification. As I have said, the great majority which has been returned to Parliament for the support of the principles of the Liberal party constitutes, indeed, a remarkable—almost unparalleled-success, and yet it is an event not without its dangers, for its dangers would outweigh its advantages, great as they may be, if they were to lead, on the part of any one among us, either to slackness of mind or to a disposition to undervalue the grave and serious nature of the obstacles we have to overcome. I believe that the provisions of our constitution, which secure a deliberate and impartial expression of the national conviction, are sufficient for the settlement of this or of any controversy; but as in the conduct of military campaigns there is no superiority of force that will counterbalance possible errors of generalship or lack of discipline, so we may throw away even these great advantages should we fail to turn them to the best account. Great is the responsibility that lies upon us in this respect, for if we fail we shall be exposed to the just reproaches of a disappointed, and even an indignant people. But if it shall be our happy lot to avoid the dangers besetting us on the right hand and on the left, then I will venture to say that never were public men more happy in the nature of the task they have been called upon to take in hand; for what can be an object dearer either to the understanding or the heart of man than to endeavour to bring about through the whole of this vast community that union of feeling and interest which, even in the degree in which we have hitherto possessed it, has been the source of our strength and glory, but which still presents to view here and there some points in which it is unhappily defective, and which we wish to bring up to that condition in which every man will almost forget whether he is a Scotchman, Englishman, or Irishman,

in the sense and consciousness of his belonging to a common country. For centuries we have been associated together in political bonds, for centuries our policy, so successful in most respects, has failed to attain the great and paramount purpose of carrying that sense of brotherhood throughout the three kingdoms as associated under the rule of Her Majesty. We are now called upon to make a great and supreme effort for that purpose. In a day it cannot be done; by a single measure it cannot be done, nor, it may be, by many measures; the whole result cannot be produced as an immediate consequence of acts of legislation. But we have to deal with a people certainly not less susceptible than ourselves, not less capable of gratitude, attachment, and affection, not less inspired with the true and genuine love of justice; and for my part, I have faith in the policy which is founded upon justice; I believe it will produce its fruits in generating the sentiments of affection among mankind. These are, vaguely sketched, the opinions with which I have, and I think all the colleagues with which I am associated, desired to approach the consideration of that great question—the Irish question-which is uppermost and foremost in every man's mind at this peculiar juncture. To it we attach so much weight, that we well know there is nothing we can do in any other department of the public interest or public affairs which can possibly compensate for failure with regard to the Irish question. But I need not ask you, nor allow you for one moment to suppose that because we are in heart and mind determined to make this our first and paramount object, we shall therefore be forgetful of the other great interests of this country. In truth, there is but one consideration that tends, I think, to depress and sadden the mind of public men, and that is the consideration how the demands of those interests in this vast and diversified empire multiply far beyond the powers of human time, intelligence, and strength to meet them. We shall have great reason to depend upon your kindness and indulgence, but in every department of the State it has been endeavoured so to distribute the strength that we may possess as to secure an efficient discharge of the public duty; and I think and believe you will find there is no one of these departments which has not in its leading post a man thoroughly devoted to the public interest, and earnest to bestow unsparing labour in the pursuit of the public welfare. I will only add to this expression the remark that I must again thank you for the kindness with which we have been received here this evening, and assure you that the comfort and strength which we derive from contact with our countrymen in the common atmosphere which we breathe upon an occasion such as this, is among the main satisfactions of our daily public life, and greatly assists and cheers us in the pursuit of the objects to which that life is devoted."

It was related in the last volume that the preliminary proceedings requisite to constitute the new Parliament, viz. the election of a Speaker, the swearing-in of the members, and the moving of new writs to fill the vacancies caused by acceptance of office, had

been gone through just before the close of the preceding year. The House of Commons, being thus put into working order, was adjourned for the despatch of business until the 16th of February, the recent accession of the Ministers to power requiring some interval in order to the preparation of their measures. It was on that day accordingly that the practical opening of the Session took place. It was not found possible for Her Majesty to appear in person on this occasion; Parliament was therefore opened by Commission, and the reading of the Royal Speech devolved on the Lord Chancellor. It was in the terms following:

"My Lords and Gentlemen,

"I recur to your advice at the earliest period permitted by the arrangements consequent upon the retirement of the late Administration.

"And it is with special interest that I commend to you the resumption of your labours at a time when the popular branch of the Legislature has been chosen with the advantage of a greatly enlarged enfranchisement of my faithful and loyal people.

"I am able to inform you that my relations with all Foreign Powers continue to be most friendly; and I have the satisfaction to believe that they cordially share in the desire by which I am animated for the maintenance of peace. I shall at all times be anxious to use my best exertions for the promotion of this most important object.

"In concurrence with my allies, I have endeavoured, by friendly interposition, to effect a settlement of the differences which have arisen between Turkey and Greece; and I rejoice that our joint efforts have aided in preventing any serious interruption of tranquillity in the Levant.

"I have been engaged in negotiations with the United States of North America for the settlement of questions which affect the interests and the international relations of the two countries; and it is my earnest hope that the result of these negotiations may be to place on a firm and durable basis the friendship which should ever exist between England and America.

"I have learned with grief that disturbances have occurred in New Zealand, and that at one spot they have been attended with circumstances of atrocity. I am confident that the Colonial Government and people will not be wanting either in energy to repress the outbreaks, or in the prudence and moderation which I trust may prevent their recurrence.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,—

"The Estimates for the expenditure of the coming financial year will be submitted to you. They have been framed with a careful regard to the efficiency of the Services, and they will exhibit a diminished charge upon the country.

"My Lords and Gentlemen,

"The ever-growing wants and diversified interests of the Empire

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