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tion on the 8th of December, the Minister of the Interior, M. Forcade de la Roquette, said, "The Government wishes to establish true liberty; if possible, with the assistance of all. It is aware of the danger by which liberty is threatened, but this danger it faces with resolution and confidence. The Government intends now to make it its glory to found liberty. In this task, though its predecessors have succumbed, the Government of the Emperor sets up a claim to be more successful, better qualified, and more resolute. It looks back with respect upon its past of eighteen years, which have given liberty to the country; but at the same time it intends to march onward and make the Empire the definitive founder of liberty in France. This resolution is not a fresh incident; it is the result of acts which have succeeded one another during the last ten years. But to establish liberty two conditions are necessary: prudence and firmness. The country does not want a revolution, it wants a Liberal but strong Government, and this it shall have. This is the idea which the Emperor, in his speech from the Throne at the opening of this session, summed up in the words, For order I will answer, aid me in saving liberty.'

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I am of those who have applauded reforms and who desire to devote their lives to them. I am of those who believe there is something yet more worthy of an elevated ambition than personal Government, and that is the honour of founding liberty in this country. think, and it is thought elsewhere, that this glory, which has been wanting to great minds and to noble characters, is the finest that can be desired. Yes, without doubt, others have failed by reason of insurrections, of civil wars, of surprises; the Restoration failed in spite of the genius of Royer Collard, of the eloquence of Serres and Martignac; the July Government also sank under its task, notwithstanding the eloquence of Thiers and Guizot; with grief did those statesmen behold the Liberal Government they hoped to found disappear in a catastrophe. Where others have failed, the Empire reckons on success, because its principle is stronger and more popular, because it rests upon the national will several times proclaimed, and because it defies surprises." This speech was much applauded.

In the Yellow Book, relative to the Foreign Policy of France, which was issued in December, the following passage occurs on the subject of the Ecumenical Council that was about to assemble at Rome:"Thanks to the tranquillity which prevails in the Pontifical States, Bishops coming from every part of the world will be able to assemble in Rome, where the Pope has convoked at the Vatican an Ecumenical Council. Most of the questions which will be discussed on that occasion do not come within the jurisdiction of the political powers, a fact which constitutes a manifest difference between the present and past centuries. The Government of the Emperor, relinquishing, consequently, the traditional privilege of the Sovereigns of France, has resolved not to intervene in the deliberations of the Council by sending an Ambassador accredited

to that Assembly. This determination has appeared to it to be more in conformity with the spirit of the age and the nature of the present relations between Church and State. Our intention is not, however, to remain indifferent towards acts capable of influencing greatly the Catholic population of every country. The Ambassador of the Emperor at the Court of Rome will be ordered, if necessary, to communicate to the Pope our impressions with regard to the progress of the debates and the import of the resolutions adopted. Moreover, the Government would eventually find in legislation the necessary powers to protect the basis of our public law. But we have too much confidence in the wisdom of the prelates assembled at Rome to think that they will fail to act consistently with the necessities of our time and the legitimate aspirations of modern nations."

The Blue Book, relating to internal matters, said with reference to commerce, "Several great centres of trade have raised complaints against the treaties of commerce. The Government will

endeavour to pursue a course which, while showing the necessary consideration towards interests worthy of every solicitude, shall, at the same time, afford security to our international mercantile transactions which have never ceased to develope under the system inaugurated in 1860. We may hope that the stagnation which has been felt as much in England as in France, will not stop a movement which tends towards the expansion and fusion of the general interests of the two peoples, a movement initiated by the Imperial Government."

To give some idea of the licence which the Republican party indulges in when attacking the Emperor, we will quote a sentence from a speech of M. Rochefort, in answer to some caustic remarks by the Minister of the Interior, as to the silly nature of a Bill for a new organization of the Constitution, brought in by him and M. Raspail. He said, "If I am ridiculous, I shall never equal in that way the gentleman who walked on the sands of Boulogne with an eagle on his shoulder and a bit of bacon in his hat."

During the sitting of the Legislative Body on the 20th of December, M. Rochefort asked the Government to explain why a deputy of the Spanish Cortes named Angelo, who was a refugee in France since the outbreak of the revolution in Spain, had received orders from the French Minister of the Interior to quit the territory of France within twenty-four hours. M. Rochefort said, "Wounded, vanquished, and condemned to death, he was simple enough to put faith in what is called, probably by tradition, French hospitality. Then the Minister invited him to take refuge elsewhere. I know what you will answer: the law of 1849 gives the Government an almost discretionary power with regard to foreigners. What I want to know is, the manner in which that power is exercised. We have received, welcomed, sheltered a fallen Queen who has been almost imposed upon us; a Queen who has employed the millions she brought away from Spain to foment troubles in her native land.

The Carlists openly conspire and distribute portfolios among themselves. You let them be, and your first act of severity strikes a Republican. I ask by what right you act thus, by what right you treat the Monarchists so gently, and the Republicans so severely? I will tell you why. It is because the Monarchists are your friends, and because you have but one fear-strong Government though you pretend to be-and that fear is, the Republic. Well, I will tell you-I am happy to tell you here-that you are right to fear the Republic, for, in my conviction, it is near at hand, and it is the Republic that will avenge us all, both French and Spaniards."

În answer to this, the Minister of the Interior replied, "A few words will suffice; the Chamber has already appreciated the observations just made." He denied that Angelo had taken arms against an approaching coup d'état; he had rebelled against the decisions of a sovereign Assembly. After an attempt at civil war, he entered France, and there mixed himself in Republican intrigues, and held seditious language at public meetings. In proof of this, M. Forcade quoted from the Republican Réforme the report of an inflammatory speech made by him at a banquet at St. Mandé, in which he compared the French Empire to the boiler of a steam-engine, and hopedit would burst and be succeeded by the Republic. "We are told that the hour is at hand," said M. Forcade, "and, nevertheless, for some months past we have been told this, and still the hour does not strike. The Government is quite resolved, upon the day when words shall be exchanged for deeds, to treat as they deserve those who pretend to upset the Government of their country. Upon that day we will put them down amid the applause of the Chamber which represents that country."

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An animated discussion took place on the question of the validity of the election of the Marquis de Campaigno, deputy for the Haute Garonne. M. Thiers made a long speech, in which he said that he had promised himself, cn rising, to take no part in the verification of the elections, intending, at a later period, when a political discussion should arise, to draw a sincere and exact picture of the French electoral system. But the election of the Marquis de Campaigno for a district of the Upper Garonne brought to light such malpractices, and compelled those charged with defending it to such gross departures from truth, that he could sit quiet no longer. election before the House, he declared, had roused his indignation-m'a révolté. Well acquainted with its scene, and cognizant of all its circumstances, he could no longer sit silent in presence of such intolerable proceedings-the most intolerable, to his mind, of any that the general election of 1869 had witnessed. The question was one of electoral circumscriptions. "Without fear of contradiction," he exclaimed, "and there is not one sincere and honest man acquainted with that part of the country who will not coincide with me, I say that it was not in the interest of administration, but with an electoral object, that those circumscriptions were altered. It is in an electoral interest, do you hear? in a mani

fest electoral interest." He dwelt on the scandalous manner in which, in various Departments, the work of corruption had been done. "Tell me that I am wrong," said M. Thiers, "but when I see lying (le mensonge) carried to this point, I can no longer contain myself." He then attacked the Right Centre, which lately signed a Liberal manifesto mainly (so far as a majority of its members were concerned) because it thought it was pleasing to the Emperor, and which, since then, had missed few opportunities of belying its signature. A prominent article of that programme was early electoral reform, with the special object of determining by law the number and extent of the circumscriptions, and to insure liberty of election. In the teeth of this declaration, and before its ink was well dry, those very men had been approving elections at which every species of malpractice was perpetrated by the Government and its agents. "The changes in the circumscription," said M. Thiers, "must have been a very great scandal, since you have placed among the essential articles of your political creed or desires the withdrawal from the executive power of the faculty of determining the electoral circumscriptions. I have had the honour," he continued, "to be your colleague for six years; I have been present and participated in all your votes, and I have recognized in you a sentiment that I respect, although I have not partaken it—the scrupulousness, that is to say, with which, even when you were convinced, you restrained yourself from yielding to your convictions for fear of shaking the Government. Since, in spite of that sentiment, you have inscribed in your programme that the executive power should be deprived of the faculty of fixing the electoral circumscriptions, you certainly must have felt very strongly that it had been unworthily abused." After showing the malpractices of the authorities at the election in question, in which the Government candidate, in spite of all those iniquities, had an absolute majority of only 187 votes, M. Thiers declared that to approve the election would be an act of the grossest injustice, and appealed to the majority to show itself consistent with the manifesto, at the foot of which the greater part of its members had signed their names. "For your own sake, for that of the country," he exclaimed, "annul the election."

M. de Forcade, the Minister of the Interior, defended the election, and it was confirmed by the Legislative Body by a majority of 120 against 91 votes1.

Other discussions on different election returns revealed still further the corrupt influence of Government interference, and damaged the Ministry, which felt itself constrained to uphold the system. But it became obvious that, under the new constitutional régime, a

In one of the parishes of the Haute Garonne 141 electors had placed their voting tickets in the urn, which the mayor then put away in his bedroom! "Une urne,” a Paris paper remarks, "qui s'aventure dans une chambre à coucher avec un maire, s'expose à donner le jour à un candidat officiel." And so it fell out. When the 141 votes came to be examined, 133 were for M. de Campaigno, and only five for the Opposition candidate, M. de Remusat. But 41 of the electors went before a notary and signed a solemn declaration that they had voted for M. de Remusat.

change was necessary, and the result was that M. de Forcade de la Roquette and his colleagues tendered their resignations, which were accepted by the Emperor. He wrote to the Minister of the Interior, saying, "It is not without regret that I accept your resignation and that of your colleagues. It is a pleasure to me to acknowledge the services you have rendered to the country and to myself by faithfully carrying out the latest reforms, and by firmly maintaining public order."

The Emperor then addressed himself to M. Emile Ollivier, who, formerly one of the most active opponents of his Government, had for some time past distinguished himself as one of its liberal supporters. He wrote to him the following letter, dated the 27th of December:

"Sir,-Ministers having given me their resignation, I address myself with confidence to your patriotism, in order to request you will designate the persons who can, in conjunction with yourself, form a homogeneous Cabinet, faithfully representing the majority of the Legislative Body, and resolved to carry out in the letter as well as in the spirit, the Senatus Consultum of the 8th of September.

"I rely upon the devotion of the Legislative Body to the great interests of the country, as well as upon yours, to aid me in the task I have undertaken to bring into regular working order a constitutional system.

"Accept my sentiments, &c.,

"NAPOLEON."

The new Ministry, however, was not constituted until the present year had passed away.

CHAPTER III.

SPAIN.

Insurrection at Malaga-Result of the General Elections-Murder of the Governor of Burgos-Opening of the Constituent Cortes, and Speeches of Marshal SerranoQuestion of Amnesty-The Duke of Montpensier-Disturbance at Xeres de la Frontera-Report of the Committee on the New Constitution-Question of the future Monarch -Budget-Promulgation of the Constitution-Marshal Serrano appointed Regent-His Speech on the occasion-Speech of President Rivero-New Ministry-The "Volunteers of Freedom" at Madrid-The Duke of Genoa proposed as King-Insurrectionary Movements in the Provinces-Speech of General Prim in the Cortes.

Ar the beginning of the year, an insurrectionary movement took place at Malaga, which was only suppressed after some severe fighting and loss of life. Bourbon conspiracies existed at Pampe

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