Anne Bowman, Rev. J. A. Collier, Anna Cooke, Mrs. Carey Buck, Catharine M. Trowbridge, and Adolphe Monod two each. Of the authors of a single juvenile book published during the year, the following were the principal: Mrs. Bradley, Rev. John W. Brown, Mary J. Hoffman, Sarah A. Myers, Rose Morton, Rev. J. S. Sewall, Rev. O. Witherspoon, Samuel Croxall, Mrs. S. B. Drake, Chauncey Giles, Edward Payson Hammond, Caroline E. Kelly, "Robert Merry," Mrs. Emily C. Pearson, Mrs. H. B. Goodwin, "Cousin Sarah,' Helen R. Cutler, Ezra M. Hunt, M. D., Mrs. H. C. Knight, Mrs. C. M. Kirkland, Mrs. Mary A. Denison, Jesse Thornton, Rev. A. R. Baker, Mrs. Caroline L. Blake, Rev. O. B. Frothingham, Rev. Asa Bullard, Miss M. E. Dodge, James Grant, Rev. W. K. Tweedie, "Brother Philippe," Marian Butler, Rev. Horatius Bonar, Gustav Nieritz, Rev. A. A. E. Taylor, J. Thomas Warren, Mrs. Fanny I. Burge Smith, Rev. Joseph H. Jones, D. D., Thomas Miller (the Basket Maker), Thomas Day, Fanny Fern, N. Hawthorne, William Dalton, Dr. Harley, Rev. S. M. Haskins, Horatio Alger, John C. Geikie, R. H. Stoddard, Mrs. L. C. Tuthill, Major Penniman, "Alfred Oldfellow," "Aunt Annie," J. H. Langille, Fanny Fuller, Miss Mary S. Chapman, Maria II. Bulfinch, Mary Granger Chase, Jean Ingelow, Julia Leonard, Frederick Howard Wines.

The class of Miscellaneous Books is small (only 19), and does not offer any publications worthy of note.

Under the head of Works of Fiction, we have alluded to the cheaper classes of these works in paper binding. The issue of one class of these, known as the "Dime Literature," has become a marked feature in the publishing enterprises of the day. Originating in 1859 with the house of Beadle & Co., who commenced in a small way the publication of fictions of one hundred pages large 16mo, at the retail price of a dime, it has extended and amplified until the issues of these books are reckoned by millions; and the issues of the "Dime Press" include not only fictions, of which, in all, perhaps one hundred and fifty different works have been published, but biographies, histories, school text-books, handbooks, manuals on different branches of art, industry, and behavior, and collections of songs and poetry. Five or six different houses have first and last entered upon this department of publishing, but the issues of the others have been small as compared with that of the originators of the business, Messrs. Beadle & Co., whose aggregate sales from 1859 to May, 1865, amounted to 6,655,450 volumes, of which 4,121,500 were novels; 1,633,700 songs; handbooks and manuals, 525,000; biographies, 225,000; border tales, &c., 480,250. Of the novels published in this series, nearly all have been American in authorship and subject; and it may be said to the honor of the publishers, that there is not one of them which is in the least

degree exceptionable in moral tone. Some of them may rank higher than others in literary merit, but all are alike free from any immoral tendency. The same high moral character extends to all their publications. The sales of single novels range from 35,000 to 80,000 copies, and other of their books have greatly surpassed this-their "Dime Song Book, No. 1," reaching a sale of more than 350,000 copies, and the dime edition of "The National Tax Law" of over 200,000 copies. A Dime publishing house has been established in London, and over forty of the Dime novels republished there. The large sales of these books are made in all parts of the country, the demand for them in the army being very large.

The publications of the other cheap publishing houses, which range in price from twentyfive to seventy-five cents, are with but few exceptions reputable in their character. Some of them are sensational, and thus gratify a morbid taste; but the number of really vicious novels is far smaller than a few years ago, and most of the cheaper novels of this class are reprints of English novels of high moral tone, and respectable ability. Indeed, a poor English novel will not generally repay the cost of printing.

In periodical literature, the year 1864 added but little to our stock of magazines and journals. The special magazines, The United States Service Magazine, and the American Educational Monthly, which though first issued really in December 1863, nominally commenced their existence with the year 1864, have been already noticed. There were several magazines projected during the year, but none we believe issued till just at its close, when "Our Young Folks," a magazine for youth, made its appearance in Boston, and Gazlay's Pacific Monthly, a magazine having in view the promotion of the literary interests of the Pacific States, was issued in New York. Both give good promise of success.

The extremely high price of paper and printing, and binding, still operate as a check on literary enterprise, and prevent the undertaking of publications which under other circumstances might be attempted; but with the close of the war the business is likely to attain to a higher degree of prosperity.

The number of publications in England, in 1864, as stated in the London Literary Gazette, was 3,553, including new editions and pamphlets. Of these there were of Religious Works, 715; Biography and History; 233, Geography, Topography, and Books of Travel, 151; Fiction, including Juvenile Works, 842; Poetry and General Literature, 565; Annuals and New Serials, 166; Law and Parliamentary Works, 79; Medicine and Surgery, 124; Foreign Philology, including Translations, 132; English Philology and Education, 177; Naval, Military, and Engineering Works, 32; Political Works, 56; Agriculture, Horticulture, and Field Sports, 46; Art, Architecture, &c., 52; Commercial, 41; Scientific Works, 122

LONDON CONFERENCE. Upon the invitation of the Government of England, the plenipotentiaries of England, France, Russia, Austria, and Prussia, Denmark, Sweden, and the German Diet, met in conference in London on the 25th of April, for the purpose of attempting a peaceable solution of the SchleswigHolstein question, which had already led to a war between Denmark and the two great German powers, Austria, and Prussia. The first endeavor of the conference was to obtain from the belligerent powers a suspension of hostilities for one month. This was agreed to by their representatives in the sitting of the 9th of May.

On the 12th of May Earl Russell called on the plenipotentiaries of Austria and Prussia to explain the motives which induced their Governments to occupy a large portion of the Danish territory, and to make known the intentions of their courts with a view to the reestablishment of peace. In reply to this appeal, the first plenipotentiary of Prussia declared that the German powers considered the ground of discussion as entirely free from any restriction resulting from engagements which might have existed before the war between their Governments and Denmark; that, however, they did not mean to exclude any combination which might tend to effect a solid and lasting peace, without prejudicing acquired rights. The explanations given by the plenipotentiaries of the German powers in the sittings of May 12th and 17th brought to light a complete divergence of opinion existing among the members of the Conference with regard to the validity of the Treaty of London of 1852. The plenipotentiary of Great Britain maintained that, although war may put an end to a treaty between two powers which have become belligerents, yet it cannot release those powers from their obligations to the other powers who joined in the signature of the same treaty. They were of opinion that the abandoning of an agreement ought to be justified by satisfactory means, and it ought to be under stood what was intended to take its place. The plenipotentiaries of Russia and Sweden expressed themselves to the same purpose, while the French ambassador asked the German plenipotentiaries if in case the arrangements of 1851 and 1852 should not admit of being maintained, it would not be possible in their opinion to substitute for them a fresh combination without departing from the circle traced out by the stipulations of the treaty. The Danish representative insisted that the treaty of 1852 was still in force, while Baron de Beust, the representative of the Frankfort Diet, observed that its validity had never been recognized by the German Confederation.

In the sitting of May 17th Count Bernstorff, the Prussian plenipotentiary, announced the bases of pacification which the courts of Austria and Prussia proposed to submit to the Conference. He demanded, in the name of

Prussia, "the complete political independence of the duchies and their close connection by means of common institutions," while Count Apponyi, the Austrian ambassador, said the question of succession remained open, and future complications could only be avoided by the complete autonomy of the duchies with common institutions and entire independence in their political and administrative relations." Baron de Beust insisted that the German Diet would never consent to the restoration of a union between the duchies and Denmark.

In the sitting of the 28th of May the plenipotentiaries of Austria and Prussia brought forward a plan which had for its object to demand a complete separation of the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein from the Kingdom of Denmark, and their union in a single state, under the sovereignty of the hereditary Prince of Schleswig-Holstein, Sonderburg-Augustenburg. The ambassador of Russia expressed his dissent from this proposition, and stated expressly that when the question of the succession of Holstein came to be considered, the Prince of Augustenburg would not be the only one who had claims to assert, and, as the plenipotentiary of Russia, he considered it especially his duty to present the claims of Oldenburg. The plenipotentiaries of Denmark declared that "if the Danish Government considered the proposal of the preceding sitting inadmissible, so much the more was it impossible for them to discuss this one."

In order, if possible, to meet this conflict of views Lord Russell read the following declarations proposing, in the name of Great Britain, a division of the duchies in accordance with the principles of nationality:

The plenipotentiaries of Great Britain have seen with deep regret that the last sitting of the Conferbases of an agreement between Germany and Denmark. In our opinion the elements of a solid and durable peace can neither be found in the engagements of 1851, which during twelve years have borne no other fruit than dissensions and troubles, nor in the analysis of an obscure and complicated law. But unless it is possible to lay down the bases of a solid and durable peace, it is not competent for the neutral powers to renounce the solemn treaty by which they recognized the integrity of the Danish monarchy, neither could they concur in a new arrangement which would be insufficient for Germany, or humiliating for Denmark. The elements of a solid and durable peace must therefore be sought elsewhere. For many years a lively sympathy for their brethren who are subject to the King of Denmark has animated the Germans of the Germanic Confederation. The Danes, on their side, are inspired by the love of independence and the desire of maintaining their ancient monarchy. These sentiments on either side deserve the respect of Europe. In order to prevent a future contest, and to satisfy Germany, it would be necessary, in our opinion, entirely to separate Holstein, Lauenburg, and the southern part of Schleswig from the Danish monarchy To justify so vast a sacrifice on the part of Denmark, and to maintain the independence of the Danish monarchy, frontier should not be drawn more to the north than it is desirable, in our opinion, that the line of the

ance has not resulted in the establishment of the

the mouth of the Schlei and the line of the Danne

werke. It is also necessary for the security of Denmark that the Germanic Confederation should not erect or maintain fortresses, nor establish fortified ports in the territory ceded by Denmark. An equit able arrangement of the public debt and the renunciation by Austria, Prussia, and the German Confederation of all right of interference in the internal affairs of Denmark, would serve to complete the friendly relations between Germany and Denmark. A question remains which would not form the object of the treaty of peace, but which interests Germany, and cannot be passed by in silence. In the opinion of the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain it should be understood that the future destiny of the Duchy of Holstein or the Duchy of Lauenburg, and of the southern part of the Duchy of Schleswig which will be annexed to the duchy of Holstein, shall not be settled without their consent. If the King of Denmark consents to the sacrifices of territory which are required of him in the name of peace, it would be just that the independence of his kingdom should be guaranteed by the great European powers.

The neutral powers accepted this proposal. The German plenipotentiaries accepted the principle of the plan, reserving to their courts the right of making counter propositions on the various questions of detail of which the projected arrangement was proposed. Denmark, on June 2d, also accepted the plan with certain reservations, which were stated in a declaration of M. de Quaade. The Danish plenipotentiary said that the King of Denmark was not opposed to a territorial cession, if the powers of Europe wished to abandon the Treaty of London, provided that he assumed thereby an independent and perfectly autonomous existence as regards the remainder of his States, and that the future destiny of the territories_ceded be not decided without their consent. But there were limits to the sacrifices which it was desired to impose upon Denmark to which the Danish Government could not accede. The new frontier must provide for both her military and commercial interests, and that frontier must be protected by sufficient guarantees. To the cession of the duchy of Lauenburg the King of Denmark could only consent under special conditions, as this duchy was acquired by the King of Denmark in exchange for a part of Pomerania, to serve as an equivalent for the kingdom of Norway, and as it was essentially unconcerned in the dispute which has caused the present war. Finally, the Danish Government must claim the liberty to resume the position which they have invariably maintained on the ground of the Treaty of London, if a just and equitable arrangement should not be agreed upon.

In the same sitting of June 2d, the ambassador of Russia announced to the Conference that the emperor, desiring to facilitate as far as depended upon him the reestablishment of peace, had ceded to the grand duke of Oldenburg the eventual rights which section 3 of the protocol of Warsaw of May 24 (June 5), 1851, reserved to his Majesty, as chief of the elder branch of Holstein-Gottorp.

The Danish plenipotentiaries, after a good deal of hesitation, agreed on the 6th of June to ■ further suspension of hostilities, but they in

The first line of demarcation adopted by the Danish Government had been traced from Eckernförde to Frederickstadt, a little to the south of the line proposed on the 28th of May by the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain. Later, the Danish plenipotentiaries were authorized to adhere to the line of the Schlei and the Dannewerke, but with the express understanding that no other arrangement whatever would be entertained. The plenipotentiaries of Prussia and Austria at first proposed the line from Apenrade to Tondern. Subsequently Count Bernstorf declared his readiness to recommend to his Government a line from Flensburg to the north of Tondern at Hoyer. The Austrian plenipotentiary did not at first consider himself authorized to adopt this line, but subsequently he received permission to do so. When, however, the Danes adhered to their determination not to entertain the proposition of any line south of the second line proposed by them, the plenipotentiaries of Austria and Prussia recurred to their first line traced from Apenrade to Tondern, and this proposition formed the extreme limit at which they finally took their stand. The efforts of the neutral powers to induce the belligerent powers to come to an understanding or a compromise about the intermediate territory between the Danish and the German line, proved fruitless.

On the 18th of June Lord Russell proposed arbitration, but to this proposition neither of the belligerents consented. The plenipotentiary of Denmark explained this refusal by the necessity which obliged him to regard the boundary proposed on the 28th of May as being intended by England as an ultimatum. Lord Clarendon combated this view. The line indicated on the 28th of May had been proposed in the interest of Denmark and of peace, and not with the intention of laying down a principle from which there could be no departure. The plenipotentiaries of Russia, France, and Sweden concurred in the opinion of Lord Clarendon.

Then came a proposition from the French plenipotentiary, that a vote should be taken in the mixed districts of Schleswig. Lord Russell said that the English plenipotentiaries would be disposed to concur, if the Danish Government thought proper to give their adhesion. M. de Quaade replied, that his instructions forbade him to consent to any other line than that proposed by the English plenipotentiaries on the. 28th of May, and accepted by Denmark.

This declaration closed the debates of the Conference.

LOUISIANA. The proceedings relative to the formation of a State Government for Louisiana were continued early in the year. The basis of this State Government was the proclamation of President Lincoln of Dec. 8th, 1863 On Jan. 11th, 1864, Maj.-Gen. Banks issued his proclamation providing for the election of State

officers under the old constitution of the State on Feb. 22d, and for the election of delegates to a convention for the revision of the Constitution in April. (See ANNUAL CYCLOPEDIA, 1863, p. 592.) On Feb. 3d his general order relative to compensated labor plantations were issued. (See ANNUAL CYCLOPEDIA, 1863, pp. 594-'5.) On Feb. 13th Gen. Banks issued the following proclamation prescribing the qualifications of

voters:

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF,
NEW ORLEANS, Feb. 13, 1861.

General Orders No. 24:

1. Every free white male twenty-one years of age, who has been a resident of the State twelve months, and six months in the parish in which he offers to vote, who is a citizen of the United States, and who shall have taken the oath prescribed by the President in his proclamation of the 8th December, 1563, shall have the right to vote in the election of State officers on the 22d day of February, 1864.

2. Citizens of the State who have been expelled from their homes by the public enemy on account of their devotion to the Union, and who would be qualified voters in the parishes to which they belong, will be allowed to vote for State officers only in the election precincts in which, for the time being, they may reside.

3. Citizens of the State who have volunteered for the defence of the country in the army or navy, and who are otherwise qualified voters, will be allowed to vote in the election precincts in which they may be found on the day of election. And if the exigencies of the public service be such as to prevent their attendance at any established precinct, then commissioners fairly representing the interests involved in the election will be appointed to receive their votes wherever they may be stationed for that day, and to make due returns thereof, as well as of their own votes, to the Military Governor of the State as provided for other commissioners of election.

4. The Commissioners of Election, at any election precinct, are authorized to administer the oath of allegiance, as prescribed by the President, to any person otherwise qualified to vote, and to register the name of sucn voter in New Orleans where a

register is required, or to receive it in other parishes where no register is required, at any time before the polls are closed on the day of election.

5. The Commissioners of Election in the several parishes will make prompt returns of the votes given to the sheriff of the parish, as provided by law, or in his absence to the provost marshal, who will immediately return the same to the Military Governor of the State.

6. The sheriffs of the several parishes, and in their absence, the provost marshals, will take especial care that the polls are properly opened, and that suitable Judges of Election and other officers are appointed. It is desirable that all persons properly qualified shall vote, but it is more important that illegal or fraudulent votes shall not vitiate the election.

7. The situation of Louisiana is not identical with

that of other States designated by the President, but the test of loyalty required by him as a basis for the restoration of Government is unequivocal. Full opportunity has been given to the people for the suggestion of any obligation more in accordance, if possible, with the condition of this State, but no general unity of sentiment appears to exist as to the test of fealty which should be demanded. The inference is irresistible that all parties prefer the form prescribed by the President to any other than their own.

8. The oath prescribed by him offers amnesty and pardon only to those who have committed treason. To all others it is a simple pledge of continued fealty to the Government. The oath of allegiance cannot

be materially strengthened or impaired by the lan guage in which it is clothed, but it may be accompanied by such explanations as to make known to the public the sense in which it is administered and received. Allegiance cannot be more or less than unreserved, unconditional loyalty.

9. The repetition of an oath once taken, or when unnecessarily clothed in unusual language, may well ration of a government, at a time when secret evacause hesitation, but if it be identified with the restosions and reservations have sapped public integrity, and endangered the safety of the nation, it is an unsound patriotism that criticizes the form or hesitates at its removal.

10. In times of public danger the Government has a right to demand an unreserved declaration of the purposes of all its people, and to provide, if neces sary, an iron-clad defence against the weapons of its enemies. Those who seek its favor and protection must yield to its just demands. An exemption from all duties and an enjoyment of all privileges at the same time is a greater degree of happiness than is accorded to any man in this life. Let the People of political action upon a declaration of loyalty that Louisiana look at things as they are and base their cannot be misunderstood or misinterpreted. Upon this depends the restoration of peace and of private and public prosperity.

By command of Maj.-Gen. BANKS.
RICHARD B. IRWIN, A. A. Gen.

Three candidates for Governor were nominated: B. F. Flanders, Michael Hahn, and J. Q. A. Fellows. Mr. Hahn was the candidate of those who approved the measures of General Banks; the dissentients supported Mr. Flanders. The former was hostile to the admission of the men of African descent to the privileges of citizenship; the latter were generally in favor of it. Mr. Fellows was in favor of the "Constitution and the Union with the preservation of the rights of all inviolate." The election took place on Feb. 22d. The Federal lines at that time embraced the parishes of Plaquemines, St. Bernard, New Orleans, Jefferson, St. Charles, St. John the Baptist, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Lafourche, Terrebonne, that portion of St. Mary's east of Bayou Teche, the portions of Iberville, East Baton Rouge and West Baton Rouge, immediately on the river bank; and the portion of East Feliciana and of St. Tammany, on which the troops were encamped. In all the parishes above St. John the Baptist, fronting on the river, there were guerrilla bands, which rendered the life of every man unsafe who was known to have taken an oath of allegiance to the United States. In the following parishes above named, the control was strictly limited to the surface occupied by the camps: St. Mary, Iberville, East Baton Rouge, West Baton Rouge, East Feliciana. The population of the State by the census of 1860 was 708,902; the population within the Federal lines, 233,185; balance outside the lines, 575,617. The vote of New Orleans for Governor was: ·

The inauguration of Mr. Hahn, as Governor, took place on March 4th. The ceremonies on the occasion are thus described:

The dawn of yesterday was ushered in by the clangor of the iron-tongued bells, and the roar of artillery, waking the slumberous echoes from their lairs, and proclaiming to a disenthralled people the glad tidings of the reestablishment of civil liberty. The early dawn was unpromising for the comfortable carrying out of the programme of inauguration, but the sun came out and chased away the mists and clouds like the scattered remnants of a broken battle host, and by eight o'clock the anxious multitude were assured of as bright and fair a day for the interesting ceremony as could be desired.

At an early hour, the multitude began to assemble in the region of Lafayette Square. Sentinels and policemen were posted at the entrance, to keep back the crowd until the scholars had entered, and anxious committee-men ran hither and thither, perfecting arrangements and taking a general supervision of affairs, looking all the time considerably worried and furried, and red in the face with excitement and heat. Then the school children began to arrive from all directions, marching in two ranks, marshalled by their teachers. They were of all sizes, from the lisping five year old to the radiant maiden of sixteen, just blooming into glorious womanhood, with a proper proportion of young American manhood, in short jackets and saucy-looking hats, their bosoms swelling with the mingled pride of statesmen and warriors. Neatly dressed, and their cheeks flushed with excitement, they made a beautiful and imposing appearance.

Entering the Square through the St. Charles Street gate, beneath a painted bust of Washington, over which was the inscription, "A Free Governmentthe dearest object of my heart," a grand and magnificent coup d'ail burst upon the enraptured vision. There was the immense amphitheatre, in which were seated six thousand gaily dressed children. Around the back of the amphitheatre had been erected a frame-work which was covered with flags stretched around, forming a silken wall of red, white, and blue, from which shone the bright silver stars of American freedom-a "joy forever" to the heart of every American freeman which has not been blighted and blasted by the canker of treason. At intervals around this wall of bunting, handsomely emblazoned on heraldic shields, were displayed the coats of arms of the thirty-four different States-South Carolina in loving proximity to Massachusetts. In the centre of the amphitheatre was a large painted banner, representing a prolific pelican feeding a brood of fledge lings from her torn and bleeding breast, and just above, a patient phoenix sitting upon its funeral pyre, gazing proudly and fearlessly into eternal space, and only awaiting the slow process of combustion to "rise from its ashes." Underneath the pelican was the inscription, "All Hail to the Chief," and on either side the inscriptions, "The Star of Louisiana as she was in 1860," and "So stands she now in the Bright Galaxy of 1864." Around the flag wall were displayed the following inscriptions, in large letters: "Admiral Farragut, the Bravest of the Brave;" "Major-Gen. Nathaniel P. Banks, the Noble Citizen and Dutiful Soldier;" "Michael Hahn, the First Free State Governor of Louisiana;"" MajorGen. N. P. Banks, the Hero of Port Hudson, and of Freedom in Louisiana."

Immediately in front of the amphitheatre were seated the members of the immense orchestra, composed of nearly three hundred instruments, and the forty anvils to be used in beating out the metallic accompaniment to the "Anvil Chorus." In front of the orchestra was a circular raised platform, from the centre of which arose a tall flag-staff, held to its perpendicular by numerous ropes, trimmed with evergreens, which radiated in all directions from the

common centre, and found attachments to the neighboring trees in the square. From the sustaining ropes hundreds of signal flags of all shapes, sizes, and colors, waved in undulating grace and beauty. This platform was dedicated to the solemn and impressive ceremony of administering the oath to the newly elected officers of the Free State of Louisiana. In front of the platform hung suspended a banner fringed with arbor-vitæ-sprigs, with the words "Michael Hahn, our Governor," tastefully wrought in evergreens.

About 11 o'clock Gen. Banks, accompanied by a number of distinguished warriors and civilians, and the officers of the new Government, arrived and took his seat on the platform. Among those present we recognized Gen. Reynolds, commander of New Orleans defences; Gen. Hamilton, Military Governor, of Texas; Gens. Stone, Arnold, Ransom, Cameron and Bowen; Hon. Christian Roselius, Judges Peabody, Hiestand, and Howell; Captains Hoyt, McClure, and others. All seemed properly impressed with the solemnity of the occasion. The Governor, arrayed in a suit of black, with white vest and soft, mousecolored felt hat, looked grave and thoughtful, but self-possessed and dignified.

The oath of office was, after some preliminary ceremonies, administered as follows:

I, Michael Hahn, do solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will henceforward faithfully support, protect, and defend the Constitu tion of the United States, and the Union of States thereunder, and that I will in like manner abide by and faithfully support all Acts of Congress passed during the existing rebellion with reference to slaves, so long and so far as not repealed, modified, or held void by Congress, or by decree of the Supreme Court, and that I will in like manner abide by and faithfully support all proclamations of the President made during the existing rebellion, having reference to slaves, so long and so far as not modified or de clared void by the Supreme Court.

And I do further solemnly swear, that I am qualified according to the Constitution of the State to hold the office to which I have been elected, and that I will faithfully and impartially discharge and perform all the duties incumbent on me as Governor of the State of Louisiana, according to the best of my abilities and understanding, agreeably to the Constitution and Laws of the United States, and in support of and according to the Constitution and laws of this State, so far as they are consistent with the necessary military occupation of the State by the troops of the United States for the suppression of the rebellion, and the full restoration of the authority of the United States. So help me God.

MICHAEL HAHN.

Addresses were made by the Governor and Gen. Banks, and the city was illuminated in the evening, and an inauguration ball closed the day.

On March 15th the following letter was addressed to Governor Hahn:

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, March 15, 1861. His Excellency, Michael Hahn, Governor of Louisiana: Until further orders, you are hereby invested with the powers exercised hitherto by the Military Governor of Louisiana. Yours, truly,

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. On March 11th, Major-Gen. Banks issued an order relative to the election of delegates to the State Convention. The conditions were such as had been previously recommended by a committee to whom the General had referred the subject. One of the most important provisions