assuredly be made on it. The best hopes of humanity in regard to the aboriginal race, the welfare of our rapidly extending settlements, and the honor of the United States, are all deeply involved in the relations existing between this government, and the emigrating tribes. I trust, therefore, that the various matters submitted in the accompanying documents in respect to those relations, will receive your early and mature deliberations; and that it may issue in the adoption of legislative measures adapted to the circumstances and duties of the present crisis.

You are referred to the report of the secretary of the navy for a satisfactory view of the operations of the department under his charge, during the present year. In the construction of vessels at the different navy-yards, and in the employment of our ships and squadrons at sea, that branch of the service has been actively and usefully employed. While the situation of our commercial interests in the West Indies required a greater number than usual of armed vessels to be kept on that station, it is gratifying to perceive that the protection due to our commerce in other quarters of the world has not proved insufficient. Every effort has been made to facilitate the equipment of the exploring expedition authorized by the act of the last session, but all the preparation necessary to enable it to sail has not yet been completed. No means will be spared by the government to fit out the expedition on a scale corresponding with the liberal appropriation for the purpose, and with the elevated character of the objects which are to be effected by it.

I beg leave to renew the recommendation made in my last annual message, respecting the enlistment of boys in our naval service; and to urge upon your attention the necessity of further appropriations to increase the number of ships afloat, and to enlarge generally the capacity and force of the navy. The increase of our commerce, and our position in regard to the other powers of the world, will always make it our policy and interest to cherish the great naval resources of our country.

The report of the postmaster-general presents a gratifying picture of the condition of the postoffice department. Its revenues for the year ending the 30th of June last were three millions three hundred and ninety-eight thousand four hundred and fifty-five dollars and nineteen cents, showing an increase of revenue over that of the preceding year, of four hundred and four thousand eight hundred and seventy-eight dollars and fifty-three cents, or more than thirteen per cent. The expenditures for the same year were two millions seven hundred and fifty-five thousand six hundred and twenty-three dollars and seventy-six cents, exhibiting a surplus of six hundred and forty-two thousand eight hundred and thirty-one dollars forty-three cents. The department has been redeemed from embarrassment and debt; has accumulated a surplus exceeding half a million of dollars; has largely extended, and is preparing still further to extend, the mail service; and recommends a reduction of postages equal to about twenty per cent. It is practising upon the great principle which should control every branch of our government, of rendering to the public the greatest good possible with the least possible taxation to the people.

The scale of postages suggested by the postmaster-general, recommends itself, not only by the reduction it proposes, but by the simplicity of its arrangement, its conformity with the federal currency, and the improvement it will introduce into the accounts of the department and its agents.

Your particular attention is invited to the subject of mail contracts with

railroad companies. The present laws providing for the making of contracts are based upon the presumption that competition among bidders will secure the service at a fair price. But on most of the railroad lines, there is no competition in that kind of transportation, and advertising is therefore useless. No contract can now be made with them, except such as shall be negotiated before the time of offering or afterward, and the power of the postmaster-general to pay them high prices is practically without limitation. It would be a relief to him, and no doubt would conduce to the public interest, to prescribe by law some equitable basis upon which such contracts shall rest, and restrict him by a fixed rule of allowance. Under a liberal act of that sort, he would undoubtedly be able to secure the services of most of the railroad companies, and the interest of the department would be thus advanced.

The correspondence between the people of the United States and the European nations, and particularly with the British islands, has become very extensive, and requires the interposition of Congress to give it security. No obstacle is perceived to an interchange of mails between New York and Liverpool, or other foreign ports, as proposed by the postmastergeneral. On the contrary it promises, by the security it will afford, to facilitate commercial transactions, and give rise to an enlarged intercourse among the people of different nations, which can not but have a happy effect. Through the city of New York most of the correspondence between the Canadas and Europe is now carried on, and urgent representations have been received from the head of the provincial postoffice, asking the interposition of the United States to guard it from the accidents and losses to which it is now subjected. Some legislation appears to be called for, as well by our own interest, as by comity to the adjoining British provinces.

The expediency of providing a fireproof building for the important books and papers of the postoffice department is worthy of consideration. In the present condition of our treasury it is neither necessary nor wise to leave essential public interests exposed to so much danger, when they can so readily be made secure. There are weighty considerations in the location of a new building for that department, in favor of placing it near the other executive buildings.

The important subjects of a survey of the coast, and the manufacture of a standard of weights and measures for the different customhouses, have been in progress for some years, under the general direction of the executive, and the immediate superintendence of a gentleman possessing high scientific attainments. At the last session of Congress, the making of a set of weights and measures for each state in the Union was added to the others by a joint resolution.

The care and correspondence as to all these subjects have been devolved on the treasury department during the last year. A special report from the secretary of the treasury will soon be communicated to Congress, which will show what has been accomplished as to the whole-the number and compensation of the persons now employed in these duties, and the progress expected to be made during the ensuing year-with a copy of the various correspondence deemed necessary to throw light on the subjects which seem to require additional legislation. Claims have been made for retrospective allowances in behalf of the superintendent and some of his assistants, which I did not feel justified in granting; other claims have been made for large increases in compensation, which, under

all the circumstances of the several cases, I declined making without the express sanction of Congress. In order to obtain that sanction, the subject was, at the last session, on my suggestion, and by request of the immediate superintendent, submitted by the treasury department to the committee of commerce of the house of representatives. But no legislative action having taken place, the early attention of Congress is now invited to the enactment of some express and detailed provisions in relation to the various claims made for the past, and to the compensation and allowances deemed proper for the future.

It is further respectfully recommended that, such being the inconvenience of attention to these duties by the chief magistrate, and such the great pressure of business on the treasury department, the general supervision of the coast survey, and the completion of the weights and measures, if the works are kept united, should be devolved on a board of officers, organized especially for that purpose, or on the navy board attached to the navy department.

All my experience and reflection confirm the conviction I have so often expressed to Congress in favor of an amendment of the constitution which will prevent, in any event, the election of the president and vice-president of the United States devolving on the house of representatives and the senate; and I therefore beg leave again to solicit your attention to the subject. There were various other suggestions in my last annual message not acted upon, particularly that relating to the want of uniformity in the laws of the District of Columbia, that are deemed worthy of your favorable consideration.

Before concluding this paper, I think it due to the various executive departments to bear testimony to their prosperous condition, and to the ability and integrity with which they have been conducted. It has been my aim to enforce in all of them a vigilant and faithful discharge of the public business, and it is gratifying to me to believe that there is no just cause of complaint from any quarter at the manner in which they have fulfilled the objects of their creation.

Having now finished the observations deemed proper on this, the last occasion I shall have of communicating with the two houses of Congress at their meeting, I can not omit an expression of the gratitude which is due to the great body of my fellow-citizens, in whose partiality and indulgence I have found encouragement and support in the many difficult and trying scenes through which it has been my lot to pass during my public career. Though deeply sensible that my exertions have not been crowned with a success corresponding to the degree of favor bestowed upon me, I am sure that they will be considered as having been directed by an earnest desire to promote the good of my country; and I am consoled by the persuasion, that whatever errors have been committed, will find a corrective in the intelligence and patriotism of those who will succeed us. All that has occurred during my administration is calculated to inspire me with increased confidence in the stability of our institutions; and should I be spared to enter upon that retirement which is so suitable to my age and infirm health, and so much desired by me in other respects, I shall not cease to invoke that beneficent Being. to whose providence we are already so signally indebted, for the continuance of his blessings on our beloved country.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

DECEMBER 6, 1836.

To the Senate and House of Representatives :—

I TRANSMIT here with to Congress copies of my correspondence with Mrs. Madison, produced by the resolution adopted at the last session by the senate and house of representatives on the decease of her venerated husband. The occasion seems to be appropriate to present a letter from her on the subject of the publication of a work of great political interest and ability, carefully prepared by Mr. Madison's own hand, under circumstances that give it claims to be considered as little less than official.

Congress has already, at considerable expense, published, in a variety of forms, the naked journals of the revolutionary Congress, and of the convention that formed the constitution of the United States. I am persuaded that the work of Mr. Madison, considering the author, the subjectmatter of it, and the circumstances under which it was prepared-long withheld from the public, as it has been by those motives of personal kindness and delicacy that gave tone to his intercourse with his fellowmen, until he and all who had been participators with him in the scenes he describes have passed away-well deserves to become the property of the nation, and can not fail, if published and disseminated at the public charge, to confer the most important of all benefits on the present and all succeeding generations, accurate knowledge of the principles of their government, and the circumstances under which they were recommended and embodied in the constitution for adoption.

MESSAGE IN RELATION TO TEXAS.

DECEMBER 21, 1836.

To the Senate of the United States:

DURING the last session, information was given to Congress by the executive, that measures had been taken to ascertain "the political, military, and civil condition of Texas." I now submit for your consideration, extracts from the report of the agent who had been appointed to collect it, relative to the condition of that country.

No steps have been taken by the executive toward the acknowledgment of the independence of Texas; and the whole subject would have been left without further remark on the information now given to Congress, were it not that the two houses at their last session, acting separately, passed resolutions" that the independence of Texas ought to be acknowledged by the United States, whenever satisfactory information should be received that it had in successful operation a civil government, capable of performing the duties, and fulfilling the obligations of an independent power." This mark of interest in the question of the independence of Texas, and indication of the views of Congress, make it proper that I should, somewhat in detail, present the considerations that have governed the executive in con

tinuing to occupy the ground previously taken in the contest between Mexico and Texas.

The acknowledgment of a new state as independent, and entitled to a place in the family of nations, is at all times an act of great delicacy and responsibility; but more especially so when such state has forcibly separated itself from another, of which it had formed an integral part, and which still claims dominion over it. A premature recognition under these circumstances, if not looked upon as justifiable cause of war, is always liable to be regarded as a proof of an unfriendly spirit to one of the contending parties. All questions relative to the government of foreign nations, whether of the old or new world, have been treated by the United States as questions of fact only, and our predecessors have cautiously abstained from deciding upon them until the clearest evidence was in their possession, to enable them, not only to decide correctly, but to shield their decisions from every unworthy imputation. In all the contests that have arisen out of the revolutions of France, out of the disputes relating to the crowns of Portugal and Spain, out of the separation of the American possessions of both from the European governments, and out of the numerous and constantly-occurring struggles for dominion in Spanish America, so wisely consistent with our just principles has been the action of our government, that we have, under the most critical circumstances, avoided all censure, and encountered no other evil than that produced by a transient estrangement of good-will in those against whom we have been by force of evidence compelled to decide.

It has thus made known to the world, that the uniform policy and practice of the United States is to avoid all interference in disputes which merely relate to the internal government of other nations, and eventually to recognise the authority of the prevailing party without reference to our particular interests and views, or to the merits of the original controversy. Public opinion here is so firmly established and well understood in favor of this policy, that no serious disagreement has ever risen among ourselves in relation to it, although brought under view in a variety of forms, and at periods when the minds of the people were greatly excited by the agitation of topics purely domestic in their character. Nor has any deliberate inquiry ever been instituted in Congress, or in any of our legislative bodies. as to whom belonged the power of originally recognising a new state-a power, the exercise of which is equivalent, under some circumstances, to a declaration of war-a power nowhere expressly delegated, and only granted in the constitution, as it is necessarily involved in some of the great powers given to Congress; in that given to the president and senate to form treaties with foreign powers, and to appoint ambassadors and other public ministers; and in that conferred upon the president to receive ministers from foreign nations.

In the preamble to the resolution of the house of representatives, it is distinctly intimated that the expediency of recognising the independence of Texas should be left to the decision of Congress. In this view, on the ground of expediency, I am disposed to concur; and do not, therefore, consider it necessary to express any opinion as to the strict constitutional right of the executive, either apart from, or in conjunction with the senate, over the subject. It is to be presumed that on no future occasion will a dispute arise, as none has heretofore occurred, between the executive and the legislature in the exercise of the power of recognition. It will always be considered consistent with the spirit of the constitution, and most safe, that it