legation. And when our minister has invited the attention of her government to wrongs committed by her local authorities, not only on the property, but on the persons of our fellow-citizens engaged in prosecuting fair and honest pursuits, she has added insult to injury, by not even deigning, for months together, to return an answer to his representations. Still further to manifest her unfriendly feelings toward the United States, she has issued decrees expelling from some of her provinces American citizens engaged in the peaceful pursuits of life; and now denies to those of our citizens prosecuting the whale-fishery on the northwest coast of the Pacific, the privilege which has through all time heretofore been accorded to them of exchanging goods of a small amount in value, at her ports in California, for supplies indispensable to their health and comfort.

Nor will it escape the observation of Congress, that, in conducting a correspondence with a minister of the United States (who can not and does not know any distinction between the geographical sections of the Union), charges wholly unfounded are made against particular states, and an appeal to others for aid and protection against supposed wrongs. In this same connexion, sectional prejudices are attempted to be excited, and the hazardous and unpardonable effort is made to foment divisions among the states of the Union, and thereby embitter their peace. Mexico has still to learn that, however freely we may indulge in discussion among ourselves, the American people will tolerate no interference in their domestic affairs by any foreign government; and in all that concerns the constitutional guarantees and the national honor, the people of the United States have but one mind and one heart.

The subject of annexation addresses itself most fortunately to every portion of the Union. The executive would have been unmindful of its highest obligations, if it could have adopted a course of policy dictated by sectional interests and local feelings. On the contrary, it was because the question was neither local nor sectional, but made its appeal to the interests of the whole Union, and of every state in the Union, that the negotiation, and finally the treaty of annexation, was entered into; and it has afforded me no ordinary pleasure to perceive, that, so far as demonstrations have been made upon it by the people, they have proceeded from all portions of the Union. Mexico may seek to excite divisions among us, by uttering unjust denunciations against particular states; but when she comes to know that the invitations addressed to our fellow-citizens by Spain, and afterward by herself, to settle Texas, were accepted by emigrants from all the states-and when, in addition to this, she refreshes her recollection with the fact, that the first effort which was made to acquire Texas, was during the administration of a distinguished citizen from an eastern state, which was afterward renewed under the auspices of a president from the southwest--she will awake to a knowledge of the futility of her present purpose of sowing dissensions among us, or producing distraction in our councils, by attacks either on particular states, or on persons who are now in the retirement of private life.

Considering the appeal which she now makes to eminent citizens by name, can she hope to escape censure for having ascribed to them, as well as to others, a design, as she pretends now for the first time revealed, of having originated negotiations to despoil her, by duplicity and falsehood, of a portion of her territory? The opinion then, as now, prevailed with the executive, that the annexation of Texas to the Union was a matter of vast importance. In order to acquire that territory before it had assumed

a position among the independent powers of the earth, propositions were made to Mexico for a cession of it to the United States. Mexico saw in these proceedings, at the time, no cause of complaint. She is now, when simply reminded of them, awakened to the knowledge of the fact, which she, through her secretary of state, promulgates to the whole world as true that those negotiations were founded in deception and falsehood, and superinduced by unjust and iniquitous motives. While Texas was a dependency of Mexico, the United States opened negotiations with the latter power for the cession of her then acknowledged territory; and now that Texas is independent of Mexico, and has maintained a separate existence for nine years-during which time she has been received into the family of nations, and is represented by accredited ambassadors at many of the principal courts of Europe-and when it has become obvious to the whole world that she is for ever lost to Mexico, the United States is charged with deception and falsehood in all relating to the past; and condemnatory accusations are made against states which have had no special agency in the matter, because the executive of the whole Union has negotiated with free and independent Texas, upon a matter vitally important to the interests of both countries. And after nine years of unavailing war, Mexico now announces her intention, through her secretary of foreign affairs, never to consent to the independence of Texas, or to abandon the effort to reconquer that republic. She thus announces a perpetual claim, which at the end of a century will furnish her as plausible a ground for discontent against any nation which at the end of that time may enter into a treaty with Texas, as she possesses at this moment against the United States. The lapse of time can add nothing to her title to independence.

A course of conduct such as has been described on the part of Mexico, in violation of all friendly feeling, and of the courtesy which should characterize the intercourse between the nations of the earth, might well justify the United States in a resort to any measures to vindicate their national honor; but actuated by a sincere desire to preserve the general peace, and in view of the present condition of Mexico, the executive, resting upon its integrity, and not fearing but that the judgment of the world will duly appreciate its motives, abstains from recommending to Congress a resort to measures of redress, and contents itself with reurging upon that body prompt and immediate action on the subject of annexation. By adopting that measure, the United States will be in the exercise of an undoubted right; and if Mexico, not regarding their forbearance, shall aggravate the injustice of her conduct by a declaration of war against them, upon her head will rest all the responsibility.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JANUARY 22, 1845.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:I COMMUNICATE, herewith, an abstract of the treaty between the United States of America, and the Chinese empire, concluded at Wang Hiya on the 3d of July last, and ratified by the senate on the 16th instant; and which, having also been ratified by the emperor of China, now awaits

legation. And when our minister has invited the attention of her government to wrongs committed by her local authorities, not only on the property, but on the persons of our fellow-citizens engaged in prosecuting fair and honest pursuits, she has added insult to injury, by not even deigning, for months together, to return an answer to his representations. Still further to manifest her unfriendly feelings toward the United States, she has issued decrees expelling from some of her provinces American citizens engaged in the peaceful pursuits of life; and now denies to those of our citizens prosecuting the whale-fishery on the northwest coast of the Pacific, the privilege which has through all time heretofore been accorded to them of exchanging goods of a small amount in value, at her ports in California, for supplies indispensable to their health and comfort.

Nor will it escape the observation of Congress, that, in conducting a cor-. respondence with a minister of the United States (who can not and does not know any distinction between the geographical sections of the Union), charges wholly unfounded are made against particular states, and an appeal to others for aid and protection against supposed wrongs. In this same connexion, sectional prejudices are attempted to be excited, and the hazardous and unpardonable effort is made to foment divisions among the states of the Union, and thereby embitter their peace. Mexico has still to learn that, however freely we may indulge in discussion among ourselves, the American people will tolerate no interference in their domestic affairs by any foreign government; and in all that concerns the constitutional guarantees and the national honor, the people of the United States have but one mind and one heart.

The subject of annexation addresses itself most fortunately to every portion of the Union. The executive would have been unmindful of its highest obligations, if it could have adopted a course of policy dictated by sectional interests and local feelings. On the contrary, it was because the question was neither local nor sectional, but made its appeal to the interests of the whole Union, and of every state in the Union, that the negotiation, and finally the treaty of annexation, was entered into; and it has afforded me no ordinary pleasure to perceive, that, so far as demonstrations have been made upon it by the people, they have proceeded from all portions of the Union. Mexico may seek to excite divisions among us, by uttering unjust denunciations against particular states; but when she comes to know that the invitations addressed to our fellow-citizens by Spain, and afterward by herself, to settle Texas, were accepted by emigrants from all the states-and when, in addition to this, she refreshes her recollection with the fact, that the first effort which was made to acquire Texas, was during the administration of a distinguished citizen from an eastern state, which was afterward renewed under the auspices of a president from the southwest-she will awake to a knowledge of the futility of her present purpose of sowing dissensions among us, or producing distraction in our councils, by attacks either on particular states, or on persons who are now in the retirement of private life.

Considering the appeal which she now makes to eminent citizens by name, can she hope to escape censure for having ascribed to them, as well as to others, a design, as she pretends now for the first time revealed, of having originated negotiations to despoil her, by duplicity and falsehood, of a portion of her territory? The opinion then, as now, prevailed with the executive, that the annexation of Texas to the Union was a matter of vast importance. In order to acquire that territory before it had assumed

a position among the independent powers of the earth, propositions were made to Mexico for a cession of it to the United States. Mexico saw in these proceedings, at the time, no cause of complaint. She is now, when simply reminded of them, awakened to the knowledge of the fact, which she, through her secretary of state, promulgates to the whole world as true that those negotiations were founded in deception and falsehood, and superinduced by unjust and iniquitous motives. While Texas was a dependency of Mexico, the United States opened negotiations with the latter power for the cession of her then acknowledged territory; and now that Texas is independent of Mexico, and has maintained a separate existence for nine years-during which time she has been received into the family of nations, and is represented by accredited ambassadors at many of the principal courts of Europe-and when it has become obvious to the whole world that she is for ever lost to Mexico, the United States is charged with deception and falsehood in all relating to the past; and condemnatory accusations are made against states which have had no special agency in the matter, because the executive of the whole Union has negotiated with free and independent Texas, upon a matter vitally important to the interests of both countries. And after nine years of unavailing war, Mexico now announces her intention, through her secretary of foreign affairs, never to consent to the independence of Texas, or to abandon the effort to reconquer that republic. She thus announces a perpetual claim, which at the end of a century will furnish her as plausible a ground for discontent against any nation which at the end of that time may enter into a treaty with Texas, as she possesses at this moment against the United States. The lapse of time can add nothing to her title to independence.

A course of conduct such as has been described on the part of Mexico, in violation of all friendly feeling, and of the courtesy which should characterize the intercourse between the nations of the earth, might well justify the United States in a resort to any measures to vindicate their national honor; but actuated by a sincere desire to preserve the general peace, and in view of the present condition of Mexico, the executive, resting upon its integrity, and not fearing but that the judgment of the world will duly appreciate its motives, abstains from recommending to Congress a resort to measures of redress, and contents itself with reurging upon that body prompt and immediate action on the subject of annexation. By adopting that measure, the United States will be in the exercise of an undoubted right; and if Mexico, not regarding their forbearance, shall aggravate the injustice of her conduct by a declaration of war against them, upon her head will rest all the responsibility.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JANUARY 22, 1845.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:I COMMUNICATE, herewith, an abstract of the treaty between the United States of America, and the Chinese empire, concluded at Wang Hiya on the 3d of July last, and ratified by the senate on the 16th instant; and which, having also been ratified by the emperor of China, now awaits

only the exchange of the ratifications in China; from which it will be seen that the special mission authorized by Congress for this purpose has fully succeeded in the accomplishment, so far, of the great objects for which it was appointed, and in placing our relations with China on a new footing, eminently favorable to the commerce and other interests of the United States.

In view of the magnitude and importance of our national concerns, actual and prospective, in China, I submit to the consideration of Congress the expediency of providing for the preservation and cultivation of the subsisting relations of amity between the United States and the Chinese government, either by means of a permanent minister, or commissioner with diplomatic functions, as in the case of certain of the Mohammedan states. It appears, by one of the extracts annexed, that the establishment of the British government in China consists both of a plenipotentiary and also of paid consuls for all the Five Ports, one of whom has the title and exercises the functions of consul-general; and France has also a salaried consul-general; and the interests of the United States seem, in like manner, to call for some representative in China of a higher class than an ordinary commercial consulate.

I also submit to the consideration of Congress the expediency of making some special provision, by law, for the security of the independent and honorable position which the treaty of Wang Hiya confers on citizens of the United States residing or doing business in China. By the 21st and 25th articles of the treaty (copies of which are subjoined in extenso), citizens of the United States in China are wholly exempted, as well in criminal as in civil matters, from the local jurisdiction of the Chinese government, and made amenable to the laws, and subject to the jurisdiction of the appropriate authorities of the United States alone. Some action on the part of Congress seems desirable, in order to give full effect to these important concessions of the Chinese government.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

FEBRUARY 4, 1845.

·

To the Senate of the United States :

IN compliance with the resolution of the senate of the 5th December, I herewith transmit copies of the proceedings in the case of the inquiry into the official conduct of Silas Reed, principal surveyor of Missouri and Illinois, together with all the complaints against him, and all the evidence taken in relation thereto. I did not consider the irregularities into which the surveyor-general had fallen as of sufficient magnitude to induce his dismissal from office at the time that the papers reached me, having become convinced, upon inquiry of the commissioner of the general land office, of the ability, efficiency, and fidelity of the surveyor-general in all things appertaining to his office; but, since the passage of the resolution by the senate, I regarded the matter as so augmented in importance as to induce me to refer the subject to the commissioner of the general land office, for a minute and thorough examination. A copy of the report which he has ́made, and also the defence of Doctor Reed, accompanies the papers. It has seemed to me that the fact set forth by the report exhibit certain irreg