apprize the executive of any indication of a hostile design upon Texas, on the part of any nation, pending the deliberations of the senate upon the treaty, with a view that the same should promptly be submitted to Congress for its mature deliberation. At the same time, it is due to myself that I should declare it as my opinion, that the United States having by the treaty of annexation acquired a title to Texas which requires only the action of the senate to perfect it, no other power could be permitted to invade, and by force of arms to possess itself of, any portion of the territory of Texas, pending your deliberations upon the treaty, without placing itself in a hostile attitude to the United States, and justifying the employment of any means at our disposal to drive back the invasion. At the same time, it is my opinion that Mexico or any other power will find in your approval of the treaty no just cause of war against the United States; nor do I believe that there is any serious hazard of war to be found in the fact of such approval. Nevertheless, every proper measure will be resorted to by the executive to preserve upon an honorable and just basis the public peace, by reconciling Mexico, through a liberal course of policy, to the treaty. SPECIAL MESSAGE. MAY 15, 1844. To the Senate of the United States :— In answer to the resolution of the senate of the 13th instant, requesting to be informed "whether a messenger has been sent to Mexico with a view to obtain her consent to the treaty with Texas, and, if so, to communicate to the senate a copy of the despatches of which he is the bearer, and a copy of the instructions given to said messenger; and also to inform the senate within what time said messenger is expected to return," I have to say, that no messenger has been sent to Mexico in order to obtain her consent to the treaty with Texas, it not being regarded by the executive as in any degree requisite to obtain such consent in order (should the senate ratify the treaty) to perfect the title of the United States to the territory thus acquired the title to the same being full and perfect without the assent of any third power. The executive has negotiated with Texas as an independent power of the world, long since recognised as such by the United States and other powers, and as subordinate in all her rights of full sovereignty to no other power. A messenger has been despatched to our minister at Mexico, as bearer of the despatch already communicated to the senate, and which is to be found in the letter addressed to Mr. Green, and forms a part of the documents ordered confidentially to be printed for the use of the senate. That despatch was dictated by a desire to preserve the peace of the two countries, by denying to Mexico all pretext for assuming a belligerent attitude toward the United States, as she had threatened to do in the event of the annexation of Texas to the United States, by the despatch of her government which was communicated by me to Congress at the opening of its present session. The messenger is expected to return before the 15th of June next, but he may be detained to a later day. The recently-appointed envoy from the United States to Mexico will be sent so soon as the final action is had on the question of annexation, at which time, and not before, can his instruc tions be understandingly prepared. SPECIAL MESSAGE. MAY 18, 1844. To the House of Representatives of the United States : In answer to a resolution of the house of representatives of the 3d of January last, requesting the president of the United States "to cause to be communicated to the house copies of all the instructions given to the commanding officers of the squadron stipulated by the treaty with Great Britain of the 9th of August, 1842, to be kept on the coast of Africa for the suppression of the slave-trade," and, also," copies of the instructions given by the British government to their squadron, stipulated by the same, if such instructions have been communicated to this government," I have to inform the house of representatives that, in my opinion, it would be incompatible with the public interests to communicate to that body, at this time, copies of the instructions referred to. IN answer to the resolution of the senate of the 13th instant, relating to a supposed armistice between the republics of Mexico and Texas, I transmit a report from the secretary of state, and the papers by which it was accompanied. SPECIAL MESSAGE. MAY 20, 1844. To the House of Representatives of the United States :— I HEREWITH transmit a letter from the secretary of the navy, accompanied by a report from the bureau of construction and equipment, and a communication from Lieutenant Hunter, of the navy, prepared at the request of the secretary, upon the subject of a plan for the establishment, in connexion with the government of France, of a line of steamers between the ports of Havre and New York; with estimates of the expense which may be necessary to carry the said plan into effect. SPECIAL MESSAGE. MAY 23, 1844. To the Senate of the United States : YOUR resolution of the 18th instant, adopted in executive session, addressed to the secretary of treasury ad interim, has been communicated to me by that officer. While I can not recognise this call thus made on the head of a department as consistent with the constitutional rights of the senate, when acting in its executive capacity, which, in such case, can only properly hold correspondence with the president of the United States, nevertheless, from an anxious desire to lay before the senate all such information as may be necessary to enable it with full understanding to act upon any subject which may be before it, I here with transmit communications which have been made to me by the secretaries of the war and navy departments in full answer to the resolution of the senate. RESOLUTION ABOVE REFERRED TO. "Resolved, That the secretary of the treasury be directed, with as little delay as possible, to communicate to the senate whether any and what sums of money have been drawn from the treasury to be expended to carry into effect the orders of the war and navy departments, made since the 12th day of April last, for stationing troops or increasing the military force upon or near the frontier of Texas and the gulf of Mexico, and for placing a naval force in the gulf of Mexico, with any other expenditures connected with those movements; and that he state particularly under what law of Congress and from what appropriation such moneys have been taken from the treasury for expenditure." SPECIAL MESSAGE. MAY 31, 1844. To the Senate of the United States :— In answer to the resolutions of the senate of the 22d instant, requesting information in regard to any promise by the president of military or other aid to Texas, in the event of an agreement on the part of the republic to annex herself to the United States, I transmit a report from the secretary of state, and the documents by which it was accompanied. In my message to the senate of the 15th of this month, I adverted to the duty which, in my judgment, the signature of the treaty for the annexation of Texas had imposed upon me, to repel any invasion of that country by a foreign power while the treaty was under consideration in the senate, and I transmitted reports from the secretaries of war and of the navy, with a copy of the orders which had been issued from those departments for the purpose of enabling me to execute that duty. In those orders, General Taylor was directed to communicate with the president of Texas upon the subject, and Captain Connor was instructed to communicate with the chargé d'affaires of the United States accredited to that government. No copy of any communication which either of those officers may have made pursuant to those orders has yet been received at the department from which they emanated. SPECIAL MESSAGE. JUNE 7, 1844. To the House of Representatives of the United States : I HEREWITH transmit to the house of representatives the copy of a letter recently addressed to the secretary of state by the British minister at Washington, with the view of ascertaining "whether it would be agreeable to this government that an arrangement should be concluded for the transmission, through the United States, of the mails to and from Canada and England, which are now landed at Halifax, and thence forwarded through the British dominions to their destination." It will be perceived that this communication has been referred to the postmaster-general; and his opinion will accordingly be found in his letter to the department of state, of the 5th instant, a copy of which is enclosed. I lose no time in recommending the subject to the favorable consideration of the house, in bespeaking for it early attention. TEXAS MESSAGE. JUNE 10, 1844. To the House of Representatives of the United States :— THE treaty negotiated by the executive with the republic of Texas, without a departure from any form of proceeding customarily observed in the negotiations of treaties, for the annexation of that republic to the United States, having been rejected by the senate, and the subject having excited, on the part of the people, no ordinary degree of interest, I feel it to be my duty to communicate, for your consideration, the rejected treaty, together with all the correspondence and documents which have heretofore been submitted to the senate in its executive sessions. The papers communicated, embrace not only the series already made public by orders of the senate, but others from which the veil of secresy has not been removed by that body, but which I deem to be essential to a just appreciation of the entire question. While the treaty was pending before the senate, I did not consider it compatible with the just rights of that body, or consistent with the respect I entertained for it, to bring this important subject before you. The power of Congress is, however, fully competent, in some other form of proceeding, to accomplish everything that a formal ratification of the treaty could have accomplished, and I therefore feel that I should but imperfectly discharge my duty to yourselves or the country, if I failed to lay before you everything in the possession of the executive, which would enable you to act with full light on the subject, if you should deem it proper to take any action upon it. I regard the question involved in these proceedings as one of vast magnitude, and as addressing itself to interests of an elevated and enduring character. A republic, coterminous in territory with our own, of immense resources, which require only to be brought under the influence of our confederate and free system, in order to be fully developed-promising, at no distant day, through the fertility of its soil, nearly, if not entirely, to duplicate the exports of the country, thereby making an addition to the carrying-trade, to an amount almost incalculable, and giving a new impulse of immense importance to the commercial, manufacturing, agricultural, and shipping interests of the whole Union, and at the same time affording protection to an exposed frontier, and placing the whole country in a condition of security and repose-a territory settled mostly by emigrants from the United States, who would bring back with them, in the act of reciprocation, an unconquerable love of freedom, and an ardent attachment to our free institutions; such a question could not fail to interest most deeply in its success, those who, under the constitution, have become responsible for the faithful administration of public affairs. I have regarded it as not a little fortunate, that the question involved was no way sectional or local, but addressed itself to the interests of every part of the country, and made its appeal to the glory of the American name. It is due to the occasion to say, that I have carefully reconsidered the objections which have been urged to immediate action upon the subject, without, in any degree, having been struck with their force. It has been objected, that the measure of annexation should be preceded by the consent of Mexico. To preserve the most friendly relations with Mexicoto concede to her, not grudgingly, but freely, all her rights-to negotiate fairly and frankly with her, as to the question of boundary-to render her, in a word, the fullest and most ample recompense for any loss she might convince us she had sustained-fully accords with feelings and views the executive has always entertained. But negotiation, in advance of annexation, would prove not only truly abortive, but might be regarded as offensive to Mexico, and insulting to Texas. Mexico would not, I am persuaded, give ear, for a moment, to an attempt at negotiation in advance, except for the whole territory of Texas. While all the world beside regards Texas as an independent power, Mexico chooses to look upon her as a revolted province. Nor could we negotiate with Mexico for Texas, without admitting that our recognition of her independence was fraudulent, delusive, or void. It is only after acquiring Texas, that the question of boundary can arise between the United States and Mexico, a question purposely left open for negotiation with Mexico, as affording the best opportunity for the most friendly and pacific arrangements. The executive has dealt with Texas as a power independent of all others, both de facto and de jure. She was an independent state of the confederation of Mexican republics. When, by violent revolution, Mexico declared the confederation at an end, Texas owed her no longer allegiance, but claimed, and has maintained the right, for eight years, to a separate and distinct position. During that period, no army has invaded her, with a view to her reconquest. And if she has not yet established her right to be treated as a nation independent de facto and de jure, it would be difficult to say at what period she will attain that condition. Nor can we, by any fair or any legitimate inference, be accused of violating any treaty stipulations with Mexico. The treaties with Mexico give no guarantee of any sort, and are coexistent with a similar treaty with Texas. So have we treaties with most of the nations of the earth, which are equally as much violated by the annexation of Texas to the United States, as would be our treaty with Mexico. The treaty is merely commercial, and intended as the instrument for more accurately defining the rights, and securing the interests of the citizens of each country. What |