resources, a government the strongest in the world, because emanating from the popular will, and firmly rooted in the affections of a great and free people, and whose fidelity to its engagements has never been questioned; for such a government to have tendered to the capitalists of other countries an opportunity for a small investment of its stocks, and yet to have failed, implies either the most unfounded distrust in its good faith, or a purpose, to obtain which the course pursued is the most fatal which could have been adopted. It has now become obvious to all men that the government must look to its own means for supplying its wants; and it is consoling to know that these means are altogether adequate for the object. The exchequer, if adopted, will greatly aid in bringing about this result. Upon what I regard as a well-founded supposition that its bills would be readily sought for by the public creditors, and that the issue would in a short time reach the maximum of fifteen millions of dollars, it is obvious that ten millions of dollars would thereby be added to the available means of the treasury without cost or charge. Nor can I fail to urge the great and beneficial effect which would be produced in aid of all the active pursuits of life. Its effects upon the solvent state banks, while it would force into liquidation those of an opposite character, through its weekly settlements, would be highly beneficial; and with the advantages of a sound currency, the restoration of confidence and credit would follow, with a numerous train of blessings. My convictions are most strong that these benefits would flow from the adoption of this measure; but if the result should be adverse, there is this security in connexion with it, that the law creating it may be repealed at the pleasure of the legislature, without the slightest implication of its good faith. I recommend to Congress to take into consideration the propriety of reimbursing a fine imposed on General Jackson at New Orleans at the time of the attack and defence of that city, and paid by him. Without designing any reflection on the judicial tribunal which imposed the fine, the remission at this day may be regarded as not unjust or inexpedient. The voice of the civil authority was heard amid the glitter of arms, and obeyed by those who held the sword, thereby giving additional lustre to a memorable military achievement. If the laws were offended, their majesty was fully vindicated; and although the penalty incurred and paid is worthy of little regard in a pecuniary point of view, it can hardly be doubted that it would be gratifying to the war-worn veteran, now in retirement and in the winter of his days, to be relieved from the circumstances in which that judgment placed him. There are cases in which the public function aries may be called on to weigh the public interest against their own personal hazards, and if the civil law be violated from praiseworthy motives, or an overruling sense of public danger and public necessity, punishment may well be restrained within that limit which asserts and maintains the authority of the law, and the subjection of the military to the civil power. The defence of New Orleans, while it saved the city from the hands of the enemy, placed the name of General Jackson among those of the greatest captains of the age, and illustrated one of the brightest pages of our history. Now that the causes of excitement, existing at that time, have ceased to operate, it is believed that the remission of this fine, and whatever of gratification that remission might cause the eminent man who incurred and paid it, would be in accordance with the general feeling and wishes of the American people. I have thus, fellow-citizens, acquitted myself of my duty under the con stitution, by laying before you, as succinctly as I have been able, the state of the Union, and by inviting your attention to measures of much importance to the country. The executive will most zealously unite its efforts with those of the legislative department in the accomplishment of all that is required to relieve the wants of a common constituency, or elevate the destinies of a beloved country. SPECIAL MESSAGE. DECEMBER 14, 1842. To the House of Representatives of the United States: Two bills were presented to me at the last session of Congress, which originated in the house of representatives, neither of which was signed by me, and both having been presented within ten days of the close of the session, neither has become a law. The first of these was a bill, entitled, " An act to repeal the proviso of the sixth section of the act entitled, 'An act to appropriate the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, and to grant pre-emption rights,' approved September 4th, one thousand eight hundred and forty-one."" The bill was presented to me on Tuesday, the 30th August, at twentyfour minutes after four o'clock in the afternoon. For my opinions relative to the provisions contained in this bill, it is only necessary that I should refer to previous communications made by me to the house of representatives. The other bill was entitled, "An act regulating the taking of the testimony in cases of contested elections, and for other purposes." This bill was presented to me at a quarter past one o'clock, on Wednesday, the 31st day of August. The two houses, by concurrent vote, had already agreed to terminate the session by adjournment at two o'clock on that day; that is to say, within three quarters of an hour from the time the bill was placed in my hands. It was a bill containing twenty-seven sections, and, I need not say, of an important nature. On its presentment to me, its reading was immediately commenced, but was interrupted by so many communications from the senate, and so many other causes operating at the last hour of the session, that it was impossible to read the bill understandingly, and with proper deliberation, before the hour fixed for the adjournment of the two houses; and this, I presume, is a sufficient reason for neither signing the bill nor returning it with my objections. The 17th joint rule of the two houses of Congress declares, that "no bill or resolution that shall have passed the house of representatives and the senate, shall be presented to the president of the United States for his approbation, on the last day of the session. This rule was evidently designed to give to the president a reasonable opportunity of perusing important acts of Congress, and giving them some degree of consideration, before signing or returning the same. It is true that the two houses have been in the habit of suspending this rule, toward the close of the session, in relation to particular bills; and it appears by the printed journal, that, by concurrent votes of the two houses, passed on the last day of the session, the rule was agreed to be suspended, so far as the same should relate to all such bills as should have been passed by the two houses at one o'clock, on that day. It is exceedingly to be regretted that a necessity should ever exist for such suspension, in the case of bills of great importance, and therefore demanding careful consideration. As the bill has failed, under the provisions of the constitution, to become a law, I abstain from expressing any opinion upon its several provisions— keeping myself wholly uncommitted as to my ultimate action on any similar measure, should the house think proper to originate it de novo, except so far as my opinion of the unqualified power of each house to decide for itself upon the election returns and qualifications of its own members, has been expressed by me in a paper lodged in the department of state at the time of signing an act entitled, "An act for the apportionment of representatives among the several states, according to the sixth census, approved June the twenty-second, eighteen hundred and forty-two," a copy of which is in possession of the house. SPECIAL MESSAGE. DECEMBER 23, 1842. To the Senate of the United States : I HAVE received the resolution of the 22d instant, requesting me "to inform the senate of the nature and extent of the informal communications which took place between the American secretary of state and the British special minister, during the late negotiation in Washington city, upon the subject of the claims of the United States and Great Britain to the territory west of the Rocky mountains; and also to inform the senate what were the reasons which prevented any agreement upon the subject at present, and which made it expedient to include this subject among the subjects of formal negotiation." In my message to Congress at the commencement of the present session, in adverting to the territory of the United States on the Pacific ocean, north of the forty-second degree of north latitude, a part of which is claimed by Great Britain, I remarked that, "in advance of the acquirement of individual right to these lands, sound policy dictated that every effort would be resorted to by the two governments to settle their respective claims;" and also stated that I should not delay to urge on Great Britain the importance of an early settlement. Measures have been already taken, in pursuance of the purpose thus expressed, and under the circumstances, I do not deem it consistent with the public interest to make any communication on the subject. SPECIAL MESSAGE. DECEMBER 30, 1842. To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:- The condition of those islands has excited a good deal of interest, which is increasing by every successive proof that their inhabitants are making progress in civilization, and becoming more and more competent to maintain regular and orderly civil government. They lie in the Pacific ocean, much nearer to this continent than the other, and have become an important place for the refitment and provisioning of American and European vessels. Owing to their locality, and to the course of the winds which prevail in this quarter of the world, the Sandwich islands are the stopping-place for almost all vessels passing from continent to continent across the Pacific ocean. They are especially resorted to by great numbers of vessels of the United States which are engaged in the whale-fishery in those seas. The number of vessels of all sorts, and the amount of property owned by citizens of the United States, which are found in those islands in the course of a year, are stated, probably with sufficient accuracy, in the letter of the agents. Just emerging from a state of barbarism, the government of the islands is as yet feeble; but its dispositions appear to be just and pacific, and it seems anxious to improve the condition of its people, by the introduction of knowledge, of religious and moral institutions, means of education, and the arts of civilized life. It can not but be in conformity with the interest and the wishes of the government and the people of the United States that this community, thus existing in the midst of a vast expanse of ocean, should be respected, and all its rights strictly and conscientiously regarded. And this must also be the true interest of all other commercial states. Far remote from the dominions of European powers, its growth and prosperity as an independent state may yet be in a high degree useful to all whose trade is extended to those regions; while its nearer approach to this continent, and the intercourse which American vessels have with it-such vessels constituting five sixths of all which annually visit it-could not but create dissatisfaction on the part of the United States at any attempt by another power, should such an attempt be threatened or feared, to take possession of the islands, colonize them, and subvert the native government. Considering, therefore, that the United States possesses so very large a share of the intercourse with those islands, it is deemed not unfit to make the declaration, that their government seeks nevertheless no peculiar advantages, no exclusive control over the Hawaiian government, but is content with its independent existence, and anxiously wishes for its security and prosperity. Its forbearance in this respect, under the circumstances of the very large intercourse of their citizens with the islands, would justify this government, should events hereafter arise to require it, in making a decided remonstrance against the adoption of an opposite policy by any other power. Under these circumstances, I recommend to Congress to provide for a mod erate allowance to be made out of the treasury to the consul residing there; that in a government so new, and a country so remote, American citizens may have respectable authority to which to apply for redress, in case of injury to their persons and property, and to whom the government of the country may also make known any acts committed by American citizens, of which it may think it has a right to complain. Events of considerable importance have recently transpired in China. The military operations carried on against that empire by the English government have been terminated by a treaty, according to the terms of which four important ports, hitherto shut against foreign commerce, are to be oper. to British merchants, viz., Amoy, Foo-Choo-Foo, Ningpo, and Chinghai. It can not but be interesting to the mercantile interest of the United States, whose intercourse with China, at the single port of Canton, has already become so considerable, to ascertain whether these other ports, now open to British commerce, are to remain shut, nevertheless, against the commerce of the United States. The treaty between the Chinese government and the British commissioner provides neither for the admission nor the exclusion of the ships of other nations. It would seem, therefore, that it remains with every other nation having commercial intercourse with China to seek to make proper arrangements for itself with the government of that empire in this respect. The importations into the United States from China are known to be large-having amounted in some years, as will be seen by the annexed tables, to nine millions of dollars. The exports, too, from the United States to China, constitute an interesting and growing part of the commerce of the country. It appears that in the year 1841, in the direct trade between the two countries, the value of the exports from the United States amounted to seven hundred and fifteen thousand dollars in domestic produce, and four hundred and eighty-five thousand dollars in foreign merchandise. But the whole amount of American produce which finally reaches China, and is there consumed, is not comprised in these tables, which show only the direct trade. Many vessels with American products on board sail with a primary destination to other countries, but ultimately dispose of more or less of their cargoes in the port of Canton. The peculiarities of the Chinese government and the Chinese character are well known. An empire, supposed to contain three hundred millions of subjects, fertile in various rich products of the earth, not without the knowledge of letters and of many arts, and with large and expensive accommodations for internal intercourse and traffic, has for ages sought to exclude the visits of strangers and foreigners from its dominions, and has assumed for itself a superiority over all other nations. Events appear likely to break down and soften this spirit of non-intercouse, and to bring China, ere long, into the relations which usually subsist between civilized states. She has agreed, in the treaty with England, that correspondence between the agents of the two governments shall be on equal terms-a concession which it is hardly probable will hereafter be withheld from other nations. It is true, that the cheapness of labor among the Chinese, their ingenuity in its application, and the fixed character of their habits and pursuits, may discourage the hope of the opening of any great and sudden demand for the fabrics of other countries. But experience proves that the productions of western nations find a market to some extent among the Chinese; that that market, so far as respects the productions of the United States, although |