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Government of the United States should not force the institution of Slavery upon the people either of the Territories,' or of the States against the will of the people, though my voice could bring about that result."
FROM A SPEKCH OF VICE-PRESIDENT BRECKINRIDGE.
"But those who hold that the Territorial Legislature cannot pass a law prohibiting Slavery, admit that, unless the Territorial Legislature pass laws for its protection, Slavery will not go there. Therefore, practically, a majority of the people represented in the Territorial Legislature decides the question. Whether they decide it by prohibiting it, according to the one doctrine, or by refusing to pass laws to protect it, as contended for by the other party, is immaterial. The majority of the people, by the action of the Territorial Legislature, will decide the question, and all must abide the decision when made."
FROM THE SAME.
"But if non-intervention by Congress be the principle that underlies the Compromise of 1850, then the prohibition of 1820, being inconsistent with that principle, should be removed, and perfect non-intervention thus be established by law.
then acting as Chairman of his Delegation, and now presenting the majority report announced:
"North Carolina gives ten votes for the Platform, and will give ten thousand majority in November."
In his letter of acceptance, Mr. Buchanan, in an em phatic and clear manner, thus expressed his views of this Platform:
"The recent legislation of Congress respecting domee tic Slavery, derived, as it has been, from the original and pure fountain of legitimate political power, the will of the majority, promises, ere long, to allay the dangerous excitement. This legislation is founded on principles as ancient as Free government itself, and in accordance with them has simply declared that the people of a Territory, like those of a State, shall decide for them selues, whether Slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits."
Mr. Payne had extracts yet behind of speeches from Stephens, of Georgia, one of the most distinguished Statesmen of the South-from Mr. Benjamin, of LouisianaMason, of Virginia-more qualified, he admitted, but still emphatic. The Senator from Delaware, too, Mr. Bayard, had fully indorsed the doctrine of Popular Sovereignty.
So had Mr. Badger, of North Carolina, and Judge "Among many misrepresentations sent to the country Butler of South Carolina. Mr. Hunter of Virginia, cerby some of the enemies of this bill, perhaps none is more tainly one of the wisest and purest statesmen which the flagrant, than the charge that it proposes to legislate Democracy now numbers amongst her leaders in the Slavery into Nebraska and Kansas. Sir, if the bill con- land-he, also, says that the people shall have the right tained such a feature it would not receive my vote. The to decide on all questions relating to their domestic right to establish involves the correlative right to prohi-institutions. In his speech, he used these words, almost bit, and, denying both, I would vote for neither." identical with the Platform of the minority:
"Upon the distracting question of domestic Slavery, their position is clear. The whole power of the Democratic organization is pledged to the following propositions: That Congress shall not interpose upon this subject in the States, in the Territories, or in the District of Columbia; that the people of each Territory shall determine the question for themselves, and be admitted into the Union upon a footing of perfect equality with the original States, without discrimination on account of the allowance or prohibition of Slavery."
FROM A SPEECH BY HON. JAMES L. ORR, OF S. C.
"Now, I admit that there is a difference of opinion amongst Democrats as to whether this feature of Squatter Sovereignty be in the bill or not. But the great point upon which the Democratic party at Cincinnati rested was, that the government of the Territories had been transferred from Congress, and, carrying out the spirit and genius of our institutions, had been given to the people of the Territories."
FROM A SPEECH BY HON. A. H. STEPHENS, OF GEORGIA. "The whole question of Slavery or No Slavery was to be left to the people of the Territories, whether North or South of 36° 30', or any other line. The question was to be taken out of Congress, where it had been improperly thrust from the beginning, and to be left to the people concerned in the matter to decide for themselves. This, I say, was the position originally held by the South when the Missouri Restriction was at first proposed. The principle upon which that position rests, lies at the very foundation of all our Republican institutions: it is that the citizens of every distinct and separate community or State should have the right to govern themselves in their domestic matters as they please, and that they should be free from intermeddling restriction and arbitrary dictation on such matters, from any other Power or Government, in which they have no voice."
Mr. Payne continued. But for consuming time, he could read for half an hour, to show that every eminent Southern man had held the same opinion on the doctrine of popular sovereignty.
Mr. Payne would read from the Cincinnati Platform to show what it laid down. All should be familiar with it:
"The American Democracy recognize and adopt the principles contained in the organic laws, establishing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the 'Slavery Question upon which the great National idea of the People of this whole country can repose in its determined conservatism of the Union-non-interference by Congress with Slavery in State and Territory, or in the District of Columbia."
They nominated Mr. Buchanan on that Platform, agreed on by the representatives of every State in the Union, as the official record would show. There was not one dissenting voice in the whole list of States. In casting the vote of North Carolina, his friend, Mr. Avery,
"The bill provides that the Legislatures of these Territories shall have power to legislate over all rightful subjects of legislation consistently with the Constitution. And, if they should assume powers which are thought to be inconsistent with the Constitution, the Courts will decide that question whenever it may be ra sed. There is a difference of opinion among the friends of this measure as to the extent of the limits which the Constitution imposes upon the Territorial Legislatures. This bill proposes to leave these differences to the decision of the Courts. To that tribunal I am willing to leave this deci sion, as it was once before proposed to be left by the celebrated Compromise of the Senator from Delaware."
He also read an extract of a similar character from a
speech by Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, one of the boldest men on the floor of the American Senate, taking ground in favor of non-intervention by Congress.
Need he accumulate these extracts to show that not a single statesman who has figured in Congress, of late years, but has taken this high ground?
Mr. Samuels, of Iowa, presented the following report on behalf of the minority of the Platform Committee:
1. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in Convention assembled, hereby declare our affirmance of the resolutions unanimously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature, when ap plied to the same subject matters; and we recommend as the only further resolutions the following:
Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic Party as to the nature and extent of the powers of a Territorial Legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the institution of Slavery within the Terri tories:
2. Resolved, That the Democratic Party will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on the questions of Constitutional law.
3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign.
4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic Party pledge such Constitu tional Government aid as will insure the construction of a railroad to the Pacific coast, at the earliest practicable period.
5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain.
6. Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.
Gen. Butler, of Massachusetts, again reported
(as a minority) the Cincinnati Platform without of the original resolution proposed by the gentleman alteration.
It was evident, even before the report
from North Carolina.
The vote was then taken by States on Mr. Butler's amendment, with the following result; yeas 105, nays Yeas-Maine, 3; Massachusetts, 8; Connecticut, 2; New-Jersey, 5; Pennsylvania, 16; Delaware, 3; Mary land, 54; Virginia, 124; North Carolina, 10; Georgia, 10; Missouri, 4; Tennessee, 11; Kentucky, 9; Minnesota, 14; Oregon, 3-105.
Mr. Butler's Platform affirms the Cincinnati of the majority was presented, that it would Platform, and adds a resolution for the protecnot be sustained by the Convention, though the | tion of citizens abroad. Free-State majority evinced not only willingness but anxiety to conciliate their Southern brethren at any sacrifice not absolutely ruinous. The majority of the Convention, confident of their power to reject the majority report, were anxious for a vote; but the minority seemed determined to stave off definite action for that day, and carried their point by a system currently termed "filibustering," which would have done no discredit to the House of Representatives at Washington. The confusion and hubbub which prevailed may be comprehended perhaps, by the following extract from the official report of the proceedings:
Mr. Bigler obtained the floor, and desired to suggest to the Convention that, by common consent, and without any further struggle, they should adjourn. (Cries of "I object!" "I object!")
Mr. Hunter, of Louisiana.-I appeal to my Democratic friends of the South and my Democratie friends from all parts of the Union-(Cries of "order!" "order!" and the greatest disorder prevailing in the Hall.)
The President-The Chair begs leave, once for all, to state-and the Chair entreats the Convention to listen to this declaration-that it is physically impossible for the Chair to go on in a contest with six hundred men as to who shall cry out loudest; and unless the Convention will come to order, and gentlemen take their places and proceed in order, the Chair will feel bound in duty to the Convention as well as to himself, to leave the chair. (Applause.) The Chair will wait to see whether it is pos
sible to have order in the House.
Mr. Samuels, of Iowa, appealed to the Convention to listen to a proposition of Mr. Hunter of Louisiana.
The President.-The Chair will entertain no motion
until the Convention is restored to order, and when that
It was finally agreed that the vote should be aken the next day-or rather the following Monday, and the Convention adjourned.
On Monday the 30th, the President stated the question as follows:
The Convention will remember that, in the first place, the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Avery) reported the resolutions of the majority of the committee. Thereupon the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Samuels) moved an amendment to these resolutions, by striking out all after the word "resolved," and to insert the resolutions proposed by him, in behalf of a portion of minority of the committee. After which, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Butler) moved, in behalf of another portion of the minority committee, to amend the amendment, by striking out all after the word "resolved," ," and inserting the proposition proposed by him on behalf of that minority. The first question will be, therefore, upon the amendment moved by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Butler). If that amendment falls, the Convention will then come to a vote upon the amendment moved by the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Samuels). If, however, the amendment of Mr. Butler prevails, then that amendment will have taken the place of the amendment moved by Mr. Samuels, and the next question will be upon substituting it in the place
Nays-Maine, 5; New-Hampshire, 5; Vermont, 5; Massachusetts, 5; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 8; New-York, 85; New-Jersey, 2; Pennsylvania, 104; Maryland, 2; Virginia, 2; South Carolina, 8; Florida, 3; Alabama, 9; Louisiana, 6; Mississippi, 7; Texas, 4; Arkansas, 4; Missouri, 4; Tennessee, 1; Kentucky, 8; Ohio, 23; Indiana, 18; Illinois, 11; Michigan, 6; Wiscon sin, 5; Iowa, 4; Minnesota, 24; California, 4-198.
So the amendment was rejected.
The minority report (that of Mr. Samuels) was then read, and, after ineffectual attempts to table the subject and proceed to a nomination, the vote was taken and the minority report was adopted as an amendment or substitute, as follows:
Yeas-Maine, 8; New-Hampshire, 5; Vermont, 5. Massachusetts, 7; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 6; NewYork, 35; New-Jersey, 5; Pennsylvania, 12; Maryland, 8; Virginia, 1; Missouri, 4; Tennessee, 1; Kentucky, 2; Ohio, 23; Indiana, 13; Illinois, 11; Michigan, 6; Wisconsin, 5; Iowa, 4; Minnesota, 4-165.
Nays-Massachusetts, 6; New-Jersey, 2; Pennsylvania, 15; Delaware, 3; Maryland, 4; Virginia, 14; North Carolina, 10; South Carolina, 8; Georgia, 10; Florida, 8; Alabama, 9; Louisiana, 6; Mississippi, 7; Texas, 4; Arkansas, 4; Missouri, 5; Tennessee, 11; Kentucky, 9; California, 4; Oregon, 8-188.
The question was then taken on the adoption of the report as amended, the vote being taken on each resolution separately, and with the exception of the one pledging the Democratic party to abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court on the subject of Slavery in the Territories-which was rejected-they were adopted by a vote which was nearly unanimous.
The delegation from Alabama, by its Chairman, then presented a written protest, signed by all its members, announcing their purpose to They were withdraw from the Convention. followed by the delegations from Mississippi, Florida, Texas, all the Louisiana delegation except two, all the South Carolina delegation except three, three of the Arkansas delegation, two of the Delaware delegation (including Senator Bayard) and one from North Carolina. The order of their withdrawal was as follows:
ALABAMA PROTESTS AND WITHDRAWS.
Mr. Walker, of Alabama.-Mr. President, I am instructed by the Alabama delegation to submit to this Convention a communication, and, with your permission, I will read it.
To THE HON. CALEB CUSHING,
President of the Democratic National Conven tion, now in session in the City of Charleston, South Carolina:
The undersigned delegates, representing the State of Alabama in this Convention, respectfully beg leave to lay before your honorable body the following statements of
On the eleventh day of January, 1860, the Democratic party of the State of Alabama met in Convention, in the city of Montgomery, and adopted, with singular unani mity, a series of resolutions herewith submitted:
1. Resolved by the Democracy of the State of Alabama in Convention assembled, That holding all issues and principles upon which they have heretofore affiliated and acted with the National Democratic Party to be inferior in dignity and impor tance to the great question of Slavery, they content themselves
with a general re-affirmaree of the Cincinnati platform as to such issues, and also indorse said platform as to slavery, together with the following resolutions:
2. Resolved further, That we re-affirm so much of the first resolution of the platform adopted in the Convention by the Democracy of this State, on the 8th of January, 1856, as relates to the subject of Slavery, to-wit: "The unqualified right of the people of the Slaveholding States to the protection of their property in the States, in the Territories, and in the wilderness, in which Territorial Governments are as yet unorganized."
3. Resolved further, That in order to meet and clear away all obstacles to a full enjoyment of this right in the Territories, we re-affirm the principle of the 9th resolution of the Platform adopted in Convention by the Democracy of this State, on the 14th of February, 1848, to wit: "That it is the duty of the General Government, by all proper legislation, to secure an entry into those Territories to all the citizens of the United States, together with their property of every description, and that the same should be protected by the United States while the Territories are under its authority."
4. Resolved further, That the Constitution of the United States is a compact between sovereign and co-equal States, united upon the basis of perfect equality of rights and privileges. 5. Resolved further, That the Territories of the United States are common property, in which the States have equal rights, and to which the citizens of every State may rightfully emigrate, with their slaves or other property recognized as such in any of the States of the Union, or by the Constitution of the 6. Resolved further, That the Congress of the United States has no power to abolish Slavery in the Territories, or to prohibit its introduction into any of them.
7. Resolved further, That the Territorial Legislatures, created by the legislation of Congress, have no power to abolish Slavery, or to prohibit the introduction of the same, or to impair by unfriendly legislation the security and full enjoyment of the same within the Territories; and such constitutional power certainly does not belong to the people of the Territories in any capacity, before, in the exercise of a lawful authority, they form a Constitution preparatory to admission as a State into the Union; and their action, in the exercise of such lawful authority, certainly cannot operate or take effect before their actual admission as a State into the Union. 8. Resolved further, That the principles enunciated by Chief Justice Taney, in his opinion in the Dred Scott case, deny to the Territorial Legislature the power to destroy or impair, by any legislation whatever, the right of property in slaves, and maintain it to be the duty of the Federal Government, in all of its departments, to protect the rights of the owner of such property in the Territories; and the principles so declared are hereby asserted to be the rights of the South, and the South should maintain them.
9. Resolved further, That we hold all of the foregoing propositions to contain cardinal principles-true in themselves-and just and proper, and necessary for the safety of all that is dear to us; and we do hereby instruct our delegates to the Charleston Convention to present them for the calm consideration and approval of that body-from whose justice and patriotism we anticipate their adoption.
spects subject to criticism, we should not have felt our.
Southern Democracy are;
1st. As regards the status of Slavery as a political in stitution in the Territories whilst they remain Territories, and the power of the people of a Territory to exclude it by unfriendly legislation; and
2d. As regards the duty of the Federal Government to protect the owner of slaves in the enjoyment of his property in the Territories so long as they remain such.
This Convention has refused, by the Platform adopted, to settle either of these propositions in favor of the South We deny to the people of a Territory any power to legis. late against the institution of Slavery; and we assert that it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect the owner of slaves in the enjoy ment of his property in the Territories. These princi ples, as we state them, are embodied in the Alabama Platform.
this Convention and the constituency which we have the Here, then, is a plain, explicit and direct issue between honor to represent in this body.
Instructed as we are, not to waive this issue, the con. tingency, therefore, has arisen, when, in our opinion, it becomes our duty to withdraw from this Convention. We beg, sir, to communicate this fact through you, and to assure the Convention that we do so in no spirit of anger, but under a sense of imperative obligation, properly appreciating its responsibilities and cheerfully submitting to its consequences. L. P. WALKER, Chairman. O. O. HARPER, J. S. LYON, LEWIS H. CATO, JNO. W. PORTIS, F. G. NORMAN, W. C. GUILD,
JOHN A. WINSTON,
N. H. R. DAWSON,
JULIUS C. B. MITCHELL,
W. C. SHERROD,
G. G. GRIFFIN,
J. T. BRADFORD,
10. Resolved further, That our delegates to the Charleston Convention are hereby expressly instructed to insist that said Convention shall adopt a platform of principles, recognizing distinctly the rights of the South, as asserted in the foregoing Mr. Walker also presented a resolution to the resolutions; and if the said National Convention shall refuse to adopt, in substance, the propositions embraced in the pre-effect that no other person than the retiring deleceding resolutions, prior to nominating candidates, our delegates to said Convention are hereby positively instructed to gates had any authority to represent Alabama in the Convention.
11. Resolved further, That our delegates to the Charleston Convention shall cast the vote of Alabama as a unit, and a majority of our delegates shall determine how the vote of this State shall be given.
12. Resolved further, That an Executive Committee, to consist of one from each Congressional District, be appointed, whose duty it shall be, in the event that our delegates withdraw from the Charleston Convention, in obedience to the 10th resolution, to call a Convention of the Democracy of Alabama to meet at an early day to consider what is best to be done. Under these resolutions, the undersigned received their appointment, and participated in the action of this Con
By the resolution of instruction, the tenth in the series, we were directed to insist that the platform adopted by this Convention should embody, "in whole," the propositions embraced in the preceding resolutions, prior to nominating candidates.
The Alabama delegation then withdrew from the hall.
Mr. Barry, of Mississippi.-I am instructed by the Mississippi delegation to state that they retire from the Convention with the delegation from Alabama. (Cheers.) They have prepared a protest, which they desire to sub mit, but by accident it is not now here. I desire also to state that they have adopted unanimously a resolution that they are the only delegates-which is uncontestedand that no one is or shall be authorized to represent them in their absence upon the floor of the Convention (Cheers.)
Mr. Mouton, of Louisiana.-Mr. President, I have but a short communication to make to the Convention. I do Anxious, if possible, to continue our relations with this not do it as an individual. I am authorized to say by Convention, and thus to maintain the nationality of the the delegates representing Louisiana in this Convention, Democratic party, we agreed to accept, as the substance that they will not participate any longer in the proceedof the Alabama platform, either of the two reports sub-ings of this Convention. (Cheers.) Heretofore we have mitted to this Convention by the majority of the Commit- been in the habit of saying that the Democracy of the tee on Resolutions-this majority representing not only a majority of the States of the Union, but also the only country was harmonious. (Laughter.) Can we say so to-day with States at all likely to be carried by the Democratic party in such a manner that we can never be reconciled, be truth? any Are we not divided, and divided in the Presidential election. We beg to make these recause we are divided upon principle? Can we agree to ports a part of this communication. the Platform adopted by the majority of the Convention,
See heretofore the two sets of resolutions re- and then go home to our constituents and put one con rted by Mr. Avery.]
"hese reports received the indorsement in the Comsaittee on Resolutions of every Southern State, and, had either of them been adopted as the platform of principles of the Democratic party, although possibly in some re
struction on it, while Northern Democrats put another! No, Mr. President, I think I speak the sentiment of my State when I say that she will never play such a part (Cheers.) If we are to fight the Black Republicans to gether, let us do it with a bold front; let us use the sam arms; let us sustain the same principles. I was willing
this morning, in order to do away with the necessity of lives before they will acknowledge the principle which we all these votes, and to ascertain if there was a majority contend for. here ready to impose upon us such a Platform-I was Gentlemen, in such a situation of things in the Convenwilling, myself, that the majority of the Convention should tion of our great party, it is right that we should part. retire and prepare such a Platform as suited them, and Go your way, and we will go ours. The South leaves you to take a vote upon it, and if that Platform did not give-not like Hagar, driven into the wilderness, friendless ús those guarantees which we are entitled to under the and alone-but I tell Southern men here, and for them, I Constitution, then we would have been ready to do what tell the North, that, in less than sixty days, you will find we are now doing. The Platform which the majority of a united South standing side by side with us. (Prolonged this Convention has adopted does not give us those guar- and enthusiastic cheering.) antees which we are entitled to for the protection of our We stand firm and immovable, and while we respect property in the Territories. We wish to wear no two faces you, we must respect ourselves. And, gentlemen, let me in this contest. We wish to meet the Black Republicans say to you of the North now, that the time may come with their abominable doctrines boldly; and if our friends, when you will need us more than we need you. I speak the Democrats from the Free States, cannot join us and to those who represent "the green hills of New England;" fight with us, we must fight our own battle. We are ready I speak to the "imperial center" of the Union. There to meet the issue made by the Black Republicans like slumbers in your midst a latent spark-not of political men, but we shall battle for what we conceive to be the sectionalism, but of social discord-which may yet retruth, and not for profit. For these reasons, I am autho- quire the conservative principles of the South to save rized by my delegation to announce that they withdraw your region of country from anarchy and confusion. from the Convention. At the same time, I should state We need not your protection. The power of the Black the fact that two of the delegation do not join us in this Republicans is nothing to us. We are safe in our own movement. (Loud cheers.) At the same time, I should strength and security, so long as we maintain our rights. state that those who sent us here instructed us to vote as Gentlemen, I have detained you too long. I ask, in a unit, and we contend, therefore, that we are entitled to conclusion, that the few words which are here writtengive the whole vote of the State, and that no one else is words of courtesy, but words of truth so far as my glori entitled to give it or to divide it. ous State is concei ned-may be read in your hearing.
Mr. Mouton made some additional remarks, but owing to the confusion which prevailed in the hall, the reporter was unable to hear them.
Mr. Mathews, of Mississippi, then read the following document.
To the President of the Democratic Convention :
honor to represent the State of Mississippi upon this As Chairman of the delegation, which has the floor, I desire to be heard by you and by the Convention. sentatives of sister States, to resolve the principles of a In common consultation we have met here, the repregreat party. While maintaining principles, we profess no spirit save that of harmony, conciliation, the success of our party, and the safety of our organization. But to the former the latter must yield-for no organization is valuable without it, and no success is honorable which does not crown it.
rights of our State under the laws and Constitution of our We came here simply asking a recognition of the equal be asserted, and the protection of that property, when common Government; that our right to property should necessary, should be yielded by the Government which claims our allegiance. We had regarded government and protection as correlative ideas, and that so long as the one was maintained the other still endured.
Mr. Glenn, of Mississippi.-Mr. President and gentlemen of this Convention: For the first time, for the only time, for the last time, in the name of the State that I have the honor in part to represent here, I desire to say but a few words to this Convention. I hold in my hand the solemn act of her delegation upon this floor, and I say to you, gentlemen, that it is not a hasty action; that it is not one conceived in passion, or carried out in caprice or disappointment. It is the firm resolve of the great body of the people whom we represent, which was expressed in the Convention that sent us here, and that resolve, that people, and we, their representatives, will maintain at all cost and at all hazards. (Loud cheers.) We came here not to dictate to the representatives of other sovereign States. Since we have been here, our intercourse has been courteous so far as personalities are concerned. We have all sought, and I believe have all been able, to conduct ourselves as gentlemen. But we did not come here to exercise the courtesies of life alone. We came to settle the principles upon which our party After a deliberation of many days, it has been anmust rest and must stand. We came here, gentlemen of nounced to us by a controlling majority of Representathe North, not to ask you to adopt a principle which you tives of nearly one-half the States of this Union, and that could say was opposed to your consciences and to your too, in the most solemn and impressive manner, that our principles. We did not believe it to be so. We came as demand cannot be met and our rights cannot be recogequal members of a common confederacy, simply to ask nized. While it is granted that the capacity of the you to acknowledge our equal rights within that confede- Federal Government is ample to protect all other proracy. (Cheers.) Sir, at Cincinnati we adopted a Plat-perty within its jurisdiction, it is claimed to be impotent form on which we all agreed. Now answer me, ye men when called upon to act in favor of a species of property of the North, of the East, of the South, and of the West, recognized in fifteen sovereign States. Within those what was the construction placed upon that Platform in States, even Black Republicans admit it to be guaranteed different sections of the Union? You at the West said it by the Constitution, and to be only assailed by a Higher meant one thing, we of the South said it meant another. Law; without them, they claim the power to prohibit or Either we were right or you were right; we were wrong destroy it. The controling majority of Northern repreor you were wrong. We came here to ask you which was sentatives on this floor, while they deny all power to right and which was wrong. You have maintained your destroy, equally deny all power to protect; and this, they position. You say that you cannot give us an acknow- assure us, is, and must, and shall be the condition of our ledgment of that right, which I tell you here now, in coöperation in the next Presidential election. coming time will be your only safety in your contests with the Black Republicans of Ohio and of the North. (Cheers.)
Why, sir, turn back to the history of your own leading men. There sits a distinguished gentleman, (Hon. Charles E. Stuart, of Michigan,) once a representative of one of the sovereign States of the Union in the Senate, who then voted that Congress had the constitutional power to pass the Wilmot Proviso, and to exclude Slavery from the Territories; and now, when the Supreme Court has said that it has not that power, he comes forward and tells Mississippians that that same Congress is impotent to protect that same species of property. There sits my distinguished friend, the Senator from Ohio, (Mr. Pugh,) who, but a few nights since, told us from that stand that if a Territorial Government totally misused their powers or abused them, Congress could wipe out that Territorial Government altogether. And yet, when we come here and ask him to give us protection in case that Territorial Government robs us of our property and strikes the star which answers to the name of Mississippi from the flag of the Union, so far as the Constitution gives her protection, he tells us, with his hand upon his heart-as Gov. Payne, of Ohio, had before done-that they will part with their
In this state of affairs, our duty is plain and obvious. The State which sent us here, announced to us her principles. In common with seventeen of her sister States, she has asked a recognition of her Constitutional rights. These have been plainly and explicitly denied to her. We have offered to yield everything except an abandonmentof her rights-everything except her honor-and it has availed us nothing.
As the Representatives of Mississippi, knowing her wishes-as honorable men, regarding her commands-we withdraw from the Convention, and, as far as our action is concerned, absolve her from all connection with this body, and all responsibility for its action,
To you, sir, as presiding officer of the Convention while it has existed in its integrity, we desire, collectively as a delegation, and individually as men, to tender the highest assurances of our profound respect and consideration.
Signed: D. C. Glen, Chairman of the Mississippi dele. gation; George H. Gordon, James Drone, Beverly Mathews, J. T. Simms, Joseph R. Davis, W. S. Wilson, Isaac Enloe, Charles Edward Hooker, W. H. H. Tison, Ethelbert Barksdale, W. S. Barry, J. M. Thomson.
Mr. Mathews then announced that a meeting
of all those who sympathized with them in this movement would be held at 8 o'clock this evening, in St. Andrew's Hall.
The Mississippi delegation then withdrew from the Convention.
SOUTH CAROLINA WITHDRAWS.
The Hon. James Simons, of South Carolina.-Mr. President, I am directed by the delegation from South Carolina respectfully to present the following document. TO THE HON. CALEB CUSHING,
President of the Charleston Convention:
We, the undersigned Delegates appointed by the Democratic State Convention of South Carolina, beg leave respectfully to state that, according to the principles enunciated in their Platform at Columbia, the power, either of the Federal Government or of its agent, the Territorial Government, to abolish or legislate against property in slaves, by either direct or indirect legislation, is especially denied; and as the Platform adopted by the Convention palpably and intentionally prevents any expression affirming the incapacity of the Territorial Government so to legislate, that they would not be acting in good faith to their principles, or in accordance with the wishes of their constituents, to longer remain in this Convention, and they hereby respectfully announce their withdrawal therefrom.
Mr. Milton, of Florida.-Mr. President: Representing the State of Florida, it is with feelings of sadness that I present myself before you to bid adieu to the men of talent and men of high and noble feelings from the North and West, who have met us here upon this occasion. But differences have arisen between us which, as honorable men, we cannot adjust. It has been asked, time and again, why we should invite gentlemen from the Northwest, the North and the East, to come and occupy higher ground than we did when we stood together and triumphed on the Cincinnati Platform? Since that time, gentlemen, according to your own report, a mighty power has arisen in your midst, deriving much of its strength and support from the Democrats of the North. I allude to the Black Republican party-a party which promulgates to the country that they have a higher law, a law known only to themselves-I hope not known to you-but superior to the Constitution. And, gentlemen, Let me tell you that we came here expecting to be met hand in hand, and heart in heart, and to have formed a line shoulder to shoulder with you to drive back this swelling tide of fanaticism. But, gentlemen, how have we been met by you? I am proud to say that we have been met with high-toned generosity by Oregon and California. (Cheers.) I am proud to say that supporters of our claim for equal rights have boldly presented hemselves from the good old State of Pennsylvania. (Cheers.) While we have entertained great respect for your talent and integrity, yet we bid adieu to you of the Northwest without so much feeling of regret, as you have hardened your hearts and stiffened your necks against the rights of the South. (Cheers and laughter.) But, we say to you, gentlemen from Oregon and California, and Pennsylvania and other States, who have come forward with the hand of fellowship, that we part from you with feelings of heartfelt sorrow.
Mr. Randall, of Pennsylvania.-And New-Jersey. Mr. Milton.-I did not forget New-Jersey, nor could I forget Massachusetts. My remark was general. Whereever and whenever a gentlemen from the North, the East or the West, has had the manliness to rise up and vindicate our rights, our hearts have been at his command. (Cheers.)
We thank you, gentlemen, for the courtesies we have
received amongst you, and which we have returned with without any unkind feeling. We respect you as gentlethe kindest feelings of our hearts. We part from you men, but differing, as we do, upon principles vital to our most sacred interests, in the same spirit of wisdom and affection which caused Abraham and Lot to pass on, one in one direction and the other in a different one, we bid you a most respectful adieu. (Loud cheers.) One more remark, and I have done. The delegation from the State of Florida has unanimously passed a resolution that no one is authorized, when we shall retire, to represent Florida in this Convention. I confess, in all frankness, that I deem the resolution wholly unnecessary, because I believe there is too high a sense of honor amongst gen. tlemen here from the North, and the East, and the West, to permit any man to skulk in here to represent Florida. Mr. Eppes, of Florida, then read the following protestation:
TO THE HON. CALEB CUSHING,
President of the Democratic National Convention: The undersigned, Democratic delegates from the State of Florida, enter this their solemn protest against the action of the Convention in voting down the Platform of the majority.
Florida, with her Southern sisters, is entitled to a clear and unambiguous recognition of her rights in the Territories, and this being refused by the rejection of the majority report, we protest against receiving the Cincinnati Platform with the interpretation that it favors the doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty in the Territorieswhich doctrine, in the name of the people represented by us, we repudiate.
T. J. Eppes, B. F. Wardlaw, John Milton, J. B. Owens, C. F. Dyke, delegates from Florida.
The delegates from Florida, before retiring, have unanimously adopted the following Resolution :
Resolved, That no person, not a regularly appointed delegate, has a right to cast the vote of the State of Florida in this Convention.
JOHN MILTON, Chairman of Delegation.
said: Mr. President and gentlemen of the Convention Mr. Bryan, of Texas, who was received with loud cheers, Texas, through her delegates on this floor, on the land of Calhoun, where "truth, justice and the Constitution" was proclaimed to the South, says to the South-this day the necessity which calls for our parting with the dele. you stand erect. (Loud cheers.) Whilst we deprecate gates from the other States of this Confederacy, yet it is cated in a Northern College, I there first learned that an event that we, personally, have long looked to. Eduthere was a North and a South; there were two literary Societies, one Northern and the other Southern. In the Churches, the Methodist Church, the Baptist Church, the Presbyterian Church, are North and South. Gentlemen of the North and Northwest, God grant that there may be but one Democratic party! It depends upon your action, when you leave here, whether it shall be so. Give not aid and comfort to the Black Republican hosts; but say to the South," You are our equals in this Confederacy, and your lives, your persons and property, equally with those of the Northern States, are protected by the Constitution of the Federal Union." What is it that we, the Southern Democrats, are asking you to acknowledge? Analyze it and see the meaning; and it is this-that we will not ask quite as much of you as the Black Republicans, and if you only grant what we ask, we can fight them. We blame you not if you really hold these opinions, but declare them openly, and let us separate, as did Abraham and Lot. I have been requested to read this protest on the part of the delegates from Texas, and to ask the courtesy of the Convention that it be spread upon the minutes of its proceedings.
HON, CALEB CUSHING,
President of the Democratic National Convention: The undersigned, delegates from the State of Texas, would respectfully protest against the late action of this Convention, in refusing to adopt the report of the majority of the Committee on Resolutions, which operates as the virtual adoption of principles affirming doctrines in opposition to the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, and in conflict with the Federal Constitution, and especially opposed to the platform of the Democratic party of Texas, which declares:
1st. That the Democratic party of the State of Texas reaffirm and concur in the principles contained in the platform of the National Democratic Convention, held at Cincinnati in June, 1856, as a true expression of political faith and opinion, and herewith reassert and set forth the