words, it perhaps were as well if they would but keep silence. The words 'coercion' and 'invasion' are much used in these days, and often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, that we do not misunderstand the meaning of those who use them. Let us get the exact definition of these words, not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, who certainly deprecate the things they would represent by the use of the words. What, then, is 'coercion'? What is 'invasion'? Would the marching an army into South Carolina, without the consent of her people, and with hostile intent towards them, be invasion? I certainly think it would, and it would be 'coercion' also, if the South Carolinians were forced to submit. But if the United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other property, and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even withhold the mails from places where they were habitually violated, would any or all of these things be 'invasion' or 'coercion'? Do our professed lovers of the Union, but who spitefully resolve that they will resist coercion and invasion, understand that such things as these, on the part of the United States, would be coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea of means to preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the homoeopathist would be much too large for it to swallow. In their view, the Union, as a family relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, but rather a sort of 'free-love' arrangement, to be maintained by passional attraction. By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I speak not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the Constitution, for that is the bond we all

recognize. That position, however, a State cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that assumed primary right of a State to rule all which is less than itself, and to ruin all which is larger than itself. If a State and a county, in a given case, should be equal in extent of territory and equal in number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of principle, is the State better than the county? Would an exchange of name be an exchange of rights? Upon what principle, upon what rightful principle, may a State, being no more than onefiftieth part of the nation in soil and population, break up the nation, and then coerce a proportionably larger subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way? What mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country with its people by merely calling it a State? Fellow-citizens, I am not asserting anything; I am merely asking questions for you to consider. And, now, allow me to bid you farewell."

Here, after spending a few hours in the usual receptions, he retired to his room-it being generally understood that he was ill from over-fatigue ; but he was soon en route for Washington. Much surprise was manifested throughout the country at this flight by night, and the enemies of the incoming Administration were disposed to give an air of ridicule to his hasty and secret journey from Harrisburg to the national capital. But disclosures which were afterwards made fully justified and commended the precaution which had been taken. Even before his departure from Illinois, a rumour had been current that he would not be permitted to reach Washington alive. Indeed, on the 11th of February, at the commencement of his journey, an attempt was made to throw the train in which he was

journeying from the track; and, as he was leaving Cincinnati, it was discovered that a hand-grenade had been secreted in the cars. These and other circumstances led to investigations, through the police, which disclosed the fact that a small band of assassins, headed by an Italian, under the assumed name of Orsini, had been organized with the express intention of taking his life on his passage through Baltimore. Accordingly, acting under the advice of General Scott, Mr. Seward, and other friends, and disguised by a Scotch plaid cap and cloak, he left Harrisburg by a special train, for Philadelphia, and thence proceeded in the regular midnight train for Baltimore and Washington, reaching the national capital on the morning of Saturday, the 23rd, at an early hour. Their next standing threat was, that the President elect should never be inaugurated.

Mr. Lincoln's unexpected advent took all by surprise. Preparations on a large scale had been made for his reception; the Mayor had written an address of congratulation and welcome; the military had prepared new uniforms and reburnished their arms; the two Houses of Congress were in for an early adjournment, and the "coming man" was the theme of general remark. All preconcerted arrangements were frustrated, for he came into their midst an unheralded and unexpected guest. When it became known that he was in the city, his hotel was thronged-all anxious for a word with him who was to direct the destiny of the Republic for good or evil. But he remained inaccessible to all visitors. At eleven o'clock, in company with Mr. Seward, he called upon Mr. Buchanan. The surprise of the occupant of the White House was great; but he gave his successor a very cordial greeting. The Cabinet

being in session, Mr. Lincoln passed into its chamber, to the astonishment and delight of its members. A call was made upon General Scott, but the veteran was not on duty. Thus, dispensing with all official formality, the Republican President set a good example of Republican simplicity of manners and kindness.

During the remainder of the day he received visitors freely. All partisan feeling seemed to be forgotten, and Democrats vied with Republicans in their really genial welcome. Only the extreme Southern men stood aloof; they had no word of felicitation for the man who, it was felt, would rule without fear, and prove faithful to his oath to "sustain the Constitution and the laws."

In the evening, by appointment, Mr. Lincoln received the "Peace Congress" members. The entire body was presented to him, and a cordial hour passed in an informal greeting. This closed his first day at the capital. Thereafter he was to enter upon the thorny field of administration. A Cabinet was to be chosen, Ministers to be selected, and a settled policy to be drawn out of fearful distraction. The brief interval of ten days, prior to his inauguration, was to be the most trying of his experience; for the claims of persons to posts of honour-the rights of sections-the harmonization of conflicting interests-the disposition of places demanding a peculiar fitness-all were among those minor annoyances of administration which rendered the yoke anything but easy to bear.

The 4th of March, 1861, was a beautiful day, and the event of the hour had thronged Washington with a vast concourse, in which every State was amply represented. In the Senate, Vice-President Breckinridge resigned the chair in a few courteous words to his successor, Vice

The

President Hamlin; seats allotted to the Ministers of foreign powers were then filled by that body in full dress, displaying the insignia of their various orders. The Justices of the Supreme Court next entered. whole assemblage, upon learning that Mr. Lincoln had entered the building, then proceeded to the eastern portico of the Capitol, on which a platform was erected, and before which a vast concourse, consisting of upwards of thirty thousand persons, was assembled. The President elect was introduced to them by Senator Edward D. Baker, of Oregon, amid most enthusiastic cheering. Silence restored, Mr Lincoln read, in his lucid distinct tones, the Inaugural Address (given in the Appendix).

This paper is probably the most remarkable document of the kind yet produced in America. The author evidently still was incredulous of the inveterate nature of the crisis, and thought to soothe the angry elements by merely disabusing the mind of the South of her misapprehensions as to the feeling at the North, and as to the future course of his administration. conciliation, kindness, dispassionate was the ruling feature of the address. was then administered by Chief Justice Taney, and Mr. Lincoln proceeded to the White House, accompanied by ex-President Buchanan.

This tone of

entreaty, indeed, The oath of office

The Inaugural Address was received with general satisfaction in the loyal States, including the Border States, in the main. But in these latter States, as in the South, there were thousands of scheming minds ready to misconstrue and misrepresent it. Every effort was, therefore, made to spread through the Border States the idea that the inaugural was intended as a covert declaration of war upon the Southern States,