lay it on the table, when Mr. Lincoln voted in the negative.

Although he went with the majority of the Whig party in opposing the declaration of war with Mexico, he invariably supported, with his vote, any bill or resolution having for its object the sustenance of the health, comfort, and honour of our soldiers engaged in the war. On the 22nd of December, he introduced, with one of his characteristically humorous and logical speeches in their favour, a series of resolutions, keenly criticizing the motives which had brought about the war. In later years, it was charged against Mr. Lincoln by those whose political enmity he had incurred, that he lacked a genuine patriotism, inasmuch as he had voted against the Mexican war. The charge was sharply and clearly made by Judge Douglas at the first of their joint discussions, in the senatorial contest of 1858. Mr. Lincoln replied: I was an old Whig, and whenever the Democratic party tried to get me to vote that the war had been righteously begun by the President, I would not do it. But when he (Judge Douglas), by a general charge, conveys the idea that I withheld supplies from the soldiers who were fighting in the Mexican war, or did anything else to hinder the soldiers, he is, to say the least, grossly and altogether mistaken, as a consultation of the records will prove to him."

Mr. Lincoln's congressional career, though brief, was important and brilliant to a singular degree, and is well worthy of a diligent study by the student in statesmanship.

On the right of petition, Mr. Lincoln voted repeatedly against laying on the table, without consideration, petitions in favour of the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia.

On the question of abolishing slavery in the district, he took rather a prominent part. A Mr. Gott had introduced a resolution directing the committee of the house to introduce a bill abolishing the slave-trade in the District. To this Mr. Lincoln moved an amendment instructing them to introduce a bill for the abolition, not of the slave-trade, but of slavery within the District. The bill which he proposed prevented any slave from ever being brought into the District, except in the case of officers of the Government, who might bring the necessary servants for themselves and their families while in the District on public business. It prevented any one, when resident within the District, or thereafter born within it, from being held in slavery without the District. It declared that all children of slave-mothers, born in the District after January 1st, 1850, should be free, but should be reasonably supported and educated by the owners of their mothers, and that any owners of slaves in the District might be paid their value from the treasury, and the slaves should thereupon be free; and it provided, also, for the submission of the act to the people of the District for their acceptance or rejection.

The question of the Territories came up in many ways. The Wilmot Proviso had made its appearance in the previous session, in the August before; but it was repeatedly before this Congress also, when efforts were made to apply it to the territory which was procured from Mexico, and to Oregon. On all occasions, when it was before the House, it was supported by Mr. Lincoln, and he stated, during his contest with Judge Douglas, that he had voted for it "in one way and another, about forty times." He thus showed himself, in 1847, the same friend of freedom for the Territories which

he was afterwards during the heats of the Kansas struggle.

Another instance in which the slavery question was before the house, was in the famous Pacheco case. The ground taken by the majority was that slaves were regarded as property by the Constitution, and, when taken for public service, should be paid for as property. The principle involved in the bill was, therefore, the same which the slaveholders have sought in so many ways to maintain. As they sought, afterwards, to have it established by a decision of the Supreme Court, so, now, they sought to have it recognized by Congress. Mr. Lincoln opposed it in Congress as heartily as he afterwards opposed it when it took the more covert, but no less dangerous, shape of a judicial dictum.

On other questions which came before Congress, Mr. Lincoln, being a Whig, took the ground which was held by the great body of his party. He believed in the right of Congress to make appropriations for the improvement of rivers and harbours. He was in favour of giving the public lands, not to speculators, but to actual occupants and cultivators, at as low rates as possible; he was in favour of a protective tariff, and of abolishing the franking privilege.

In the Whig National Convention of 1848, Mr. Lincoln was a delegate, and earnestly advocated the nomination of General Zachary Taylor for the Presidency. During the ensuing canvass he "stumped the states of Indiana and Illinois in support of his favourite candidate."

In 1849, he was a candidate for United States senator, before the Illinois Legislature, but was beaten by General Shields-the Democrats having control of

the State. The bitterness of the previous Presidential canvass was intensified by the desire to elect also a Legislature which shou d return a Democrat to the United States Senate. Mr. Lincoln visited Massachusetts once during the campaign, and was present at the Massachusetts State Convention, by invitation of parties endeavouring to effect harmony of action between the strict anti-slavery and the Whig or "Conservative" factions. He did not speak, however, except at New Bedford, where he made one of his happiest efforts.

For the five years succeeding the canvass of 1848, Mr. Lincoln was but little engrossed in public affairs. He practised his profession with diligence and success, adding both to his fame as a lawyer and to his fortunes. His interest in politics, though lively, did not draw him from the bar. But the repeal of the Missouri compromise suddenly aroused him for fresh endeavours. Illinois was once more a field for the battle of Freedom, and the bold leader, who before had led the van of the host arrayed against slave encroachment, was not deaf to the call for his good right arm. The old compact, won by the Herculean efforts of Henry Clay, and which stood like the sea-dike of Holland to keep off the alldevouring flood, was to be rent asunder, and the beautiful land, reclaimed for ever to free labour, was to be given over to darkness and death. All the lion in Mr. Lincoln's nature was aroused. What were peace, and fame, and fortune, when the country was assailed by treachery and cunning device? The warrior put aside all his own interests, girded on his armour, and went forth, like Peter the Hermit, to arouse his people to a sense of their shame and loss in permitting the holy

sepulchre of freedom to be invaded by the Southern Moslem and Northern Tartars.

The desperate political struggle of that year was measurably influenced by his power, and the crowning victory, which gave Illinois her first Republican Legislature, and made Lyman Trumbull her United States Senator, it is conceded was mainly due to his extraordinary efforts.

In 1854 the anti-Nebraska (afterward Republican) party offered to Mr. Lincoln the nomination for Governor. He declined, saying, "No, I am not the man ; Bissell will make a better Governor than I, and you can elect him on account of his Democratic antecedents."

Thus, again, did he permit his love for his party, and the principles involved, to overcome any desire which he may have had to be their standard-bearer and leader.

In the first National Convention of the Republican party, which met at Philadelphia, June 17th, 1856, the name of Abraham Lincoln was conspicuous before the convention for the Vice-Presidency, standing second to Mr. Dayton on the informal ballot, and receiving one hundred votes. The choice of that convention having settled upon John C. Fremont and William L. Dayton for its candidates, Mr. Lincoln took an active part in the ensuing canvass. The Republican electoral ticket of Illinois was headed with his name; though, in the event, the Democrats carried the State by a plurality vote.

The great Senatorial contest of Illinois, between Mr. Douglas on the one hand, and Mr. Lincoln on the other, which gave rise to those debates which have become a