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CHAPTER LI.

HE anomalous party conditions can be best shown, perhaps, by reciting some friendly conversations between

the President and Thaddeus Stevens, in which Owen Lovejoy participated. Stevens and Lovejoy had been something alike; both were earnest anti-slavery advocates and practical friends of the poor, the needy, and the oppressed everywhere. Stevens was always prepared, and so full of zeal that thoughtfulness was not so much a part of his character as indomitable energy. He was sanguine and ambitious. He did not possess the spirit and genius, the patience and philosophy of Lincoln, or of Lovejoy. He was uneasy in waiting and ready with stinging rebukes, especially when he saw how the "Republican party had balked and mired down in the winter of 1861."

We have noticed Stevens's remark, "That the Cabinet seemed to be made up of a job-lot of the President's political opponents, a stump speaker from Indiana, and two members of the Blair family." He was in no sense a backward or reticent man or leader. He had the keen and sharpened wit that made him a fearless debater, one whom the freshmen of Congress never tackled but once. He had the grasp of affairs, the knowledge and experience that came from long and useful service in behalf of every burdened man of any race, in the struggle for his rights, his living and welfare. He held high respect for President Lincoln before his election, believing him to be an earnest laborer in the same cause with himself.

He was sorely disappointed and in his wrath at the "alarmed commercialism of the big towns that were going to surrender before a battle; at those traders of the leading cities, and the politicians in and about them, and at the chief gang of rascals and traitors in the nest at the Capital," he was doubting, and felt that the President had unnecessarily backed down in the face of danger. Though willing to wait awhile, he was, nevertheless, preparing to make open and pronounced opposition, in which he expected to be supported by a majority in the House of Representatives. Hence it was a serious situation, and would have been a wrecking disaster to a weaker man; but it gave the President his expected opportunity. He knew that he had to lead or surrender, and as well that he needed the unqualified and earnest support of Stevens, whom he held to be the chief leader in the House, and the equal of any man in Congress.

A few days after the inauguration, Mr. Stevens called to pay his respects to the President. They had a pleasant interview; but on Stevens's part, a reserved touching upon public affairs. He was noticeably affected, seeing that the President was visibly burdened and in serious trouble. In telling of it, he said: "When about leaving the President took my hand, saying, 'Mr. Stevens, I want to have a plain and friendly talk with you for an hour or so, when we shall not be bothered as we are sure to be during these usual calling hours. Will you call some evening at your early convenience, or shall I call to see you?' His manner and cordial expression, that one may enjoy but never describe, and the bare idea that he, our President, asked me if he should call to see me, took all the antagonism out of my mind at once, before I had time to offer a word in reply. As soon as I could choke down my agitation over having too suddenly judged him, I was glad as a boy with his first set of marbles to say, 'Mr. President, I shall enjoy a friendly chat, and will time it to suit your convenience.' He replied: 'Come this evening at eight

o'clock. Mr. Lovejoy will be in at nine. He is one of our home folks, and if we talk a little long, he can come again. These Illinois friends have a habit of coming in at the side door; but are never bothered, or out of sorts, when I am busy and can not entertain them.""

Stevens was glad enough to see the way things were running, and said, "Seeing the way you keep house, I think I shall want to join in and get on the footing of your Illionis friends. If it will suit your pleasure, as I know it will his, I shall be pleased to have you admit Mr. Lovejoy as a party. to our talk as soon as he arrives; he is on my side, or perhaps, rather, I am on his."

Mr. Stevens called promptly at eight, when without ceremony he was invited in and sat down for an unrestrained political talk with the President. Mr. Lincoln put him at ease at once, saying: "Mr. Stevens, I entertain a high respect for you, as you no doubt understand, as one of the most honest, capable, and fearless friends of freedom. I know something of your disappointment, and have never thought you were altogether wrong. I want you to feel at home here, for this is the people's house, and I desire you to talk plainly and freely. I would rather bear your strongest rebukes here, than to hear that you are dissatisfied and doing so where I could not so well consider our affairs in a proper and friendly way. This will be the shortest cut to a fair understanding as to the best way to conduct the people's Government. am here to be counseled; you are interested with me and all of us in the public service, just now, to save the Union."

Stevens replied: "Mr. President, I am obliged for your kind and cordial invitation. I have been an earnest worker in our cause for more than a generation, and have gained something as a man who would contend or fight, if you please, for the right as I understand it. I want to be plain with you. I can not have any personal contention or serious difference with you. Your kind heart and unusual commanding powers

prevent it, if I should think of being merely contentious. In your high duty you have fitness and qualifications, all that our weak and surrendering President Buchanan lacked. It is ours to supply you with facilities and equipment for the most momentous conflict of modern times, if these arming conspirators so make it.

"But I have feared that your policy, like that of many able and conscientious Republicans here all winter, that of conciliation to rebels arming for no better purpose than more thoroughly and more widely to enslave men, will serve no good end, and that they will scornfully reject your wellmeant efforts. The contest has now passed the bounds of friendly or legislative mending. These same conspirators, with all whom they force or persuade to join them, are, and have been for months, fully intent on separation and war. They will only submit through defeat and disaster so overwhelming that they can not escape the consequences; for, sure as we live, they are brave and courageous enough to fight as Americans.

"With due respect to and a knowledge of their many possible, and, perhaps, good qualities, I don't like your Cabinet, a nondescript lot of political wind-shifters, like Welles, so recently discovered; an Indiana stumper in a State having several able men; the Blairs; and other respectable gentlemen, having every shade of belief on slavery, from holding ‘niggers' plain and plump, to the nonsense of gradual emancipation. They all seem to be mounted on one unruly horse, his back breaking, with the overload of slavery, in the middle; while the President is in the rear, mounted on a small donkey, his legs dragging the ground, in token of his half-riding, half-walking policy, against well-armed and well-mounted insurgents. In contrast with this, I would like to see you a Republican, leading, not tethered or pulled along, nor veering the whole circle of the political compass to catch the lost chieftains of every party wreck in

the last ten years. I want you to be the great leader, with a Cabinet of counselors in full accord with our party's declaration on slavery, which, no matter how men may cloud it, is the real issue, that can not be passed or set aside."

During this delivery Mr. Stevens became somewhat excited and very earnest. He rose to his feet, and, although he walked with a cane because of a lifelong injury and lameness, he got about the room quite lively, touching up his subject in good dramatic style. There was more of it than we have given, but this is the substance. His language, drollery, keen witticisms, and pungent satire no man of his day could approach.

When he had finished, or stopped for a short rest, Mr. Lincoln gave a hearty laugh, walked across the room to him, and, extending his hand, said: "Mr. Stevens, I like your story. I have enjoyed it, and I regret that it is one of the kind that is too good to use. Sit down and let us reason together. This is a time for wise consideration and prudent foresight, when it will not do to take a hasty, awkward, or indiscreet step. Solomon says, wisely, I think, "There is a time for all things.' Some day you would not acquit me if I should fail to use all our resources and gain the support of these slow-minded, halting, half-on-our-side men. Though they are hesitating, it is something worth the doing to hold the friends we have, and bring in as many more doubters. It is better than to dispute over policies, when we have none on which all, so far, can agree, and in getting these and their followers we surely have done a good work.

"When we get the support of an old conservative Whig like Judge Bates, of Missouri, and that of the other members of the Blair family,' we get the good-will and generally the active support of the conservative people. Among them are the farmers, not only of the border slave States, but of your own State, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, the great