welfare requires us to extend it. We must prevent the revival of the African slave-trade and the enacting by Congress of a Territorial slave-code. We must prevent each of these things being done either by Congress or courts. The people of the United States are the rightful masters of both Congress and courts, not to overthrow the Constitution, but to overthrow the men who pervert the Constitution."

A

CHAPTER XXXVII.

FTER Mr. Lincoln's progress to high leadership, his successful contention with Douglas, his growing

strength as shown in the Ohio canvass, and his rise to undisputed leadership in the West and Northwest, there was an unusual interest springing up everywhere, East as well as North, and to the farther West, to see and hear this rising, plain man of the Western prairies. Of the thousands who were in and about New York City, many wise, prudent, and well-informed men were earnest in the desire to see and hear the man who astonished so many so far away from the Atlantic. There were, besides these, a smaller number who did not especially care to see Lincoln, for fear he would make his coming a success, as he was likely to do if given the opportunity to talk directly to the people.

These were the statesmen, wise in their day but narrow and cunning as foxes, who had fled in many a chase, men of influence, men of power and position, men of wealth and standing, men of imports and exports, men who had been governors, senators, and occasionally a President or VicePresident, and had held other places of trust and profit, who were still hankering for the fleshpots; and occasionally a mayor or an alderman, when the hordes of Tammany could be composed; all in unison against any such leader, but as well agreed to conceal their desires. These men had done almost everything in the buying and selling line, successfully and profitably in all that they had undertaken. Their success had been so pronounced, and their confidence in themselves so strong, that it was a difficult thing for them to believe

that anything, or any man, from no matter where, could at all compare with anything or any man of the great State and city of New York, and especially that an awkward, ungainly "country lawyer" from the raw Western prairies could rise to such pretentious leadership.

They had succeeded so well in the management of commerce and the public affairs of their great State that they determined to make Governor Seward the Republican candidate, and probably President of the United States. They arranged their plans, working under Thurlow Weed for their own man, and endeavoring the best way they knew to tangle or suppress Lincoln. There was never a doubt that Lincoln's progress would not escape his master hand in the grasp he held on public affairs. He was a very useful man in his way, and a faithful writer in sustaining such things as New York ascendency, regencies, and commercial enterprises that taxed the people of the whole land. He was at the time considered a fair exponent of his party and its general conduct of affairs, who in craftiness and skill had no ascertained rival. This astute manager-in-chief for Mr. Seward had taken charge, under designated committees and smaller auxiliaries, of the ways and means of getting Lincoln's proposed address before the people of New York in the most round-about way, "hiding him under a bushel," in Brooklyn, or keeping him away altogether.

As it came about, there was an invitation and correspondence over it for some weeks. The first plans were suggestions from the corresponding committees. They were not for a political address to the public in New York City, such as had often been made by eminent and distinguished men like Clay, Webster, Benton, Tom Corwin, and Douglas, but for a paid lecture to a select crowd; and while reputed to be in New York City, it was arranged to be in Brooklyn, then much smaller and holding more inferior relation to New York than at present.

In brief, Mr. Lincoln was advertised everywhere as going to New York to make an address to the public, while in fact the plan arranged for was for him to deliver a pay-address to a select few in Brooklyn, not as a chief party leader, but as Wendell Phillips, Theodore Parker, Bayard Taylor, Henry Ward Beecher, or other platform speakers of the day might do. They had suggested, too, that a lecture on some general topic, such as "Western Development" or the "Waterways of the Continent," would be acceptable, and had "fixed an early day for his lecture."

Mr. Lincoln saw through the project at once. He remarked of it: "I will accept the invitation on such terms as we can agree upon. I will trust going there and getting out without difficulty. I have several invitations to speak in the East, and will fill as many of them as I can conveniently. I understand this thing pretty well; the people of New York want Mr. Seward nominated as the next Republican candidate for President. It is a laudable and honorable ambition, on which I have no remarks to offer. He is probably the widest known leader in our party, and entitled to the nomination about as much as two or three others, but hardly more.

"If he is nominated, which seems a probable event, I will earnestly and sincerely support him, as I did Fremont, and I will persuade every one whom I can to do likewise. But I don't like this petty interference of Weed about a speech I may or may not deliver in New York. I understand that Governor Seward is to deliver an address in Chicago erelong. I hope that every means will be afforded him to meet his friends and speak to the people in as public, free, and unrestrained manner as possible. When I get down to New York I am certain that I will have a chance to talk to the people in some way; but as to going, I must have my time; and as to the subject, I will determine it for myself.

"Speaking now to you as friends, I have no hesitation in laying before you the grounds on which I would be willing

to be a candidate for any office. I have no desire that will lead to any effort or solicitation on my part. I accepted your nomination for senator because it appeared to be the unanimous wish of the Republicans and Independents of the State that I should. Some very zealous friends have talked of me for President. I have not entertained the thought, because I do not believe I have reached the place in the public mind as one among the people that would justify my selection as a wise and prudent one.

"That is, I do not possess the wide acquaintance and confidence of the people in a sufficient degree for the party to unite on me as the most available and acceptable man. Understand me, I am not without the desire and the ambition, if you please, to be the Republican candidate, if it could come to me after mature consideration and due deliberation of the people; but in no other way. And let me assure you that I do not have the thought in my mind in any reasonable way that I will be considered eligible. I would not have it any other way if I could. I would not be a 'Jack in a pinch' candidate for any office."

This was the substance of his remarks on the subject about December, 1859. I met him several times at Bloomington, Champaign, and Springfield, and although Oglesby, Davis, Gridley, and several others were beginning seriously to undertake some preparatory work for him, he did not believe himself an available man, such as his own ideas required. He talked it all over among us with freedom and candor, and in a more impartial and disinterested way than any of us.

Mr. Gridley was "never in politics." He seldom took part in conventions or meetings of any kind; but when the plan to nominate Lincoln took shape in December, he said: "I want you to understand that I am in this undertaking, to advance Lincoln and nominate him if we can, with all my might, and I don't want any blundering accidents or mis