II. NEGROES AS SOLDIERS. A QUESTION of much importance is presented to our National Government at this time respecting the employment of negroes as soldiers. Those on whom devolves the responsibility of suppressing this monstrous Rebellion, must ultimately, and at no distant day, decide the matter. In their decision, they will undoubtedly be influenced by a regard to the usage and experience, in this respect, of those who directed our military affairs in the war of Independence, as well as by a consideration of the probable effect of their action on our loyal soldiers, and on the armed traitors who are arrayed against them. It is not strange that the President, on whom, more than on all others, rests the responsibility of taking the final step in this direction, should pause a while to consider the subject in all its bearings, and to allow public opinion to shape itself more distinctly, that his decision, when made, shall have from the Nation a cordial and general support. Public opinion heretofore has been divided on this question. In one direction, whenever the subject of negro soldiers is mentioned, there is an outcry, as if an atrocious and unheardof policy were now about to be introduced, something at variance with the practice of our Revolutionary leaders, and abhorrent to the moral sentiment and the established usage of civilized and Christian warriors. On the other hand, Governor Sprague of Rhode Island, a conservative of the first degree, but convinced that there is something more worthy of conservation than treacherous timidity or popular prejudice, calls upon the colored people of his own patriotic State to follow the example of their fathers in the war of Seventy-six, and form themselves into a regi ment, which he proposes, at the proper time, to lead to the field in person. To throw some light from the history of the past, I propose, by a reference to the annals of the American Revolution and a citation of competent authorities, to exhibit the opinions of the patriot statesmen and soldiers of that period, and their action in regard to negroes as soldiers, as well as the result of their experiment. Two or three incidents in the earliest conflicts with the British troops will show how little prejudice there was against negroes at the commencement of the war, and how ready the citizens generally then were, not only to secure their services as fellow-soldiers, but to honor them for their patriotism and valor. In the "Boston Gazette, or Weekly Journal," of Tuesday, Oct. 2, 1750, there was published the following advertise ment: "R AN-away from his master William Brown of Framingham, on the 30th of Sept. last, a Molatto Fellow, about 27 Years of Age, named Crispas, 6 Feet 2 Inches high, short curl'd Hair, his Knees nearer together than common; had on a light colour'd Bearskin Coat, plain brown Fustian Jacket, or brown all-Wool one, new Buckskin Breeches, blue Yarn Stockings, and a checked woolen Shirt. "Whoever shall take up said Run-away, and convey him to his abovesaid Master, shall have ten Pounds, old Tenor Reward, and all necessary Charges paid. And all Masters of Vessels and others, are hereby cautioned against concealing or carrying off said Servant on Penalty of the Law. Boston, October 2, 1750.” The "Molatto Fellow," it seems, did not speedily return to his master, notwithstanding the reward which was offered; for, on the 13th and 20th of November, another advertisement, similar to the above, was published in the same Journal. The next time that his name appeared in a Boston newspaper, twenty years later, it was under very different circumstances. He was no longer a fugitive slave, but a hero and a martyr. 1770. The Boston Massacre, March 5, 1770, may be regarded as Boston Massacre, the first act in the drama of the American Revolution. "From March 5, that moment," said Daniel Webster, "we may date the severance of the British Empire." The presence of the British soldiers in King Street excited the patriotic indignation of the people. The whole community was stirred, and sage counsellors were deliberating and writing and talking about the public grievances. But it was not for "the wise and prudent" to be the first to act against the encroachments of arbitrary power. "A motley rabble of saucy boys, negroes and mulattoes, Irish Teagues, and outlandish Jack tars," (as John Adams described them in his plea in defence of the soldiers,) could not restrain their emotion, or stop to inquire if what they must do was according to the letter of any law. Led by Crispus Attucks, the mulatto slave, and shouting, "The way to get rid of these soldiers is to attack the main guard; strike at the root; this is the nest," with more valor than discretion they rushed to King Street, and were fired upon by Captain Preston's Company. Crispus Attucks was the first to fall: he and Samuel Gray and Jonas Caldwell were killed on the spot. Samuel Maverick and Patrick Carr were mortally wounded. The excitement which followed was intense. The bells of the town were rung. An impromptu town-meeting was held, and an immense assembly was gathered. of the Three days after, on the 8th, a public funeral of the mar- Funeral tyrs took place. The shops in Boston were closed; and all Martyrs. the bells of Boston and the neighboring towns were rung. It is said that a greater number of persons assembled on this occasion than were ever before gathered on this continent for a similar purpose. The body of Crispus Attucks, the mulatto slave, had been placed in Faneuil Hall, with that of Caldwell; both being strangers in the city. Maverick was buried from his mother's house in Union Street; and Gray, from his brother's in Royal Exchange Lane. The four hearses formed |