of the of the Re The opinions of the founders of the Republic respecting Opinions the slavery and the citizenship of negroes, as expressed in Founders some of the most important of their public acts, from the public. commencement to the close of their struggle for National Independence, and during the period of the Confederation, may be gathered from the documents already cited. They had proclaimed to the world the Universal Magna Charta which the Creator and Governor of men had granted to his subjects. This charter of natural and unalienable rights had been timidly read and faintly spoken, by now and then a friend of liberty, in earlier times. Our patriot Fathers were the first boldly to publish it to "mankind"; to adopt these “self-evident truths" as their National Creed; and, "appealing to the Supreme Judge of the universe for the rectitude of their intentions," to announce their solemn purpose of establishing a Government, with these principles for its chief corner stone. With such principles and motives to stimulate their patriotism and nerve their courage, they could not fail. The mighty power of the mother-country was impotent when wielded against the cause of Liberty. The Independence of the United States was acknowledged by Great Britain, and we took our place among the nations of the earth. The Articles of Confederation served their purpose during the war, but were found inadequate to the growing wants of the Government. A Convention was accordingly called, to meet in Philadelphia on the second Monday in May in 1787, to frame a Constitution. Before considering particularly the language of the Constitution, "the palladium of our liberties," let us look for a moment at some of the men to whom was intrusted this important work, and see with what minds they came to the performance of the duty assigned them. Among the delegates, we find the names of George Washington of Virginia, and Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania. Opinions of the Founders of the Republic. Washington. Fairfax Resolves. The former was unanimously elected President of the Convention. Dr. Franklin was the only man who could have been thought of as a competitor for the place. He was to have made the nomination of Washington: but, owing to the state of the weather and of his health, he was confined to his house; and his colleague, Robert Morris, in behalf of the delegation from Pennsylvania, proposed "George Washington, Esq., late Commander-in-chief," for President of the Convention. The character and position of these two pre-eminent patriots, from different States, one a slave-holder and the other not, give the greatest weight to their opinions. They have both left distinct records of their views on the subject of slavery. Though, by inheritance and other circumstances entirely beyond his control, Washington found himself a slave-holder, yet he never defended the institution of slavery, or desired its perpetuity. On the contrary, we find, that, before he had drawn his sword in defence of the independence of his country, he had uttered his testimony against slavery in the fullest manner; and, through his whole life, his desire to clear himself and his country from the foul blot was sincere and constant. It had become quite common, during the year preceding the commencement of hostilities between the colonists and the mother-country, for the people to meet in their respective counties or towns, to express, through addresses and resolutions, their sentiments and views respecting the condition of affairs. Such a meeting was held on the 18th of July, 1774, at the Fairfax County Court House, in Virginia; and a series of twenty-four resolutions, prepared by a Committee of which Washington was chairman, was adopted. Three of these resolutions are here given: "17. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that, during our present difficulties and distress, no slaves ought to be imported into any of the British colonies on this continent; and we take this opportunity of declaring our most earnest wishes to see an entire stop Fairfax for ever put to such a wicked, cruel, and unnatural trade. "21. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that this and the other associating colonies should break off all trade, intercourse, and dealings with that colony, province, or town, which shall decline, or refuse to agree to, the plan which shall be adopted by the General Congress. "24. Resolved, That George Washington and Charles Broadwater, lately elected our representatives to serve in the General Assembly, be appointed to attend the Convention at Williamsburg on the first day of August next, and present these resolves, as the sense of the people of this county upon the measures proper to be taken in the present alarming and dangerous situation of America." Respecting these resolutions, Mr. Sparks observes: "The draught, from which the resolves are printed, I find among Washington's papers, in the handwriting of George Mason, by whom they were probably drawn up; yet, as they were adopted by the Committee of which Washington was chairman, and reported by him as moderator of the meeting, they may be presumed to express his opinions, formed on a perfect knowledge of the subject, and after cool deliberation. This may indeed be inferred from his letter to Mr. Bryan Fairfax, in which he intimates a doubt only as to the article favoring the idea of a further petition to the king. He was opposed to such a step, believing enough had been done in this way already; but he yielded the point in tenderness to the more wavering resolution of his associates. "These resolves are framed with much care and ability, and exhibit the question then at issue, and the state of public feeling, in a manner so clear and forcible as to give them a special claim to a place in the present work, in addition to the circumstance of their being the matured views of Washington at the outset of the great Revolutionary struggle in which he was to act so conspicuous a part. "Such were the opinions of Washington, and his associates in Virginia, at the beginning of the Revolutionary contest. The seventeenth resolve merits attention, from the pointed manner in which it condemns the slave-trade."- Sparks's Washington, vol. ii. pp. 488, 494, 495. County Washing ton. Washington not only condemned the slave-trade, but expressed in the most decided terms his disapprobation of domestic slavery. He discountenanced the interference of non-slaveholders in attempting to liberate slaves without the consent of their masters; but at the same time, in a letter on the subject to Robert Morris, 12th April, 1786, he was careful to add: "I hope it will not be conceived from these observations that it is my wish to hold the unhappy people, who are the subject of this letter, in slavery. I can only say, that there is not a man living who wishes more sincerely than I do to see some plan adopted for the abolition of it: but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which this can be accomplished, and that is by legislative authority; and this, as far as my suffrage will go, shall never be wanting."-Sparks's Washington, vol. ix. p. 159. On the 9th of September of this same year, Washington wrote to Mr. John F. Mercer, of Maryland: "I never mean, unless some particular circumstance should compel me to it, to possess another slave by purchase; it being among my first wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country may be abolished by law." Ibid. That Washington believed his wishes with regard to the abolition of slavery would at no distant day be realized, is evident from a letter to Sir John Sinclair, 11th December, 1796: "The present prices of lands in Pennsylvania are higher than they are in Maryland and Virginia, although they are not of superior quality; [among other reasons] because there are laws here for the gradua abolition of slavery, which neither of the two States above mentioned have at present, but which nothing is more certain than they must have, and at a period not remote."- Sparks's Washington, vol. xii. p. 326. Lafayette, the bosom friend, who shared so fully the confidence and sympathy of Washington, was in frequent correspondence with him on the subject of slavery. No sooner had hostilities ceased, than he set about devising some practical plan for ridding the country, which his valor had helped to free from the yoke of British oppression, of an evil which he declared to be "a crime much blacker than any African face." On the 5th of February, 1783, Lafayette writes: "Now, my dear General, that you are going to enjoy some ease Lafayette. and quiet, permit me to propose a plan to you, which might become greatly beneficial to the black part of mankind. Let us unite in purchasing a small estate, where we may try the experiment to free the negroes, and use them only as tenants. Such an example as yours might render it a general practice; and, if we succeed in America, I will cheerfully devote a part of my time to render the method fashionable in the West Indies. If it be a wild scheme, I had rather be mad in this way, than to be thought wise in the other task." ence of the American Revolution, vol. iii. p. 547. Correspond To this letter Washington replies, April 5th, 1783: ton. "The scheme, my dear Marquis, which you propose as a precedent Washingto encourage the emancipation of the black people in this country from that state of bondage in which they are held, is a striking evidence of the benevolence of your heart. I shall be happy to join you in so laudable a work, but will defer going into a detail of the business till I have the pleasure of seeing you."-Sparks's Washington, vol. viii. pp. 414, 415. Three years later, and after Lafayette had put his plan into practice, Washington wrote to him in a tone of mingled approval of what he had done, and despondency as to any immediate action on the subject in this country: "MOUNT VERNON, 10th May, 1786. "The benevolence of your heart, my dear Marquis, is so conspicuous upon all occasions, that I never wonder at any fresh proofs of it; but your late purchase of an estate in the colony of Cayenne, with a view of emancipating the slaves on it, is a generous and noble proof of your humanity. Would to God a like spirit might diffuse itself generally into the minds of the people of this country! But I despair |