Proposal to Lord Dunmore. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE EARL DUNMORE, &c. "MY LORD,Since I had the honor of seeing your Lordship, I have revolved in my mind the subject-matter of our conversation; and the more I think, the more I am convinced of the magnitude and national importance of the object. It is long since I beheld the scheme in the most favorable point of view, and often have I strenuously recommended it. There were, at the time the thought first seriously made an impression on my mind, some very powerful and uncontrovertible reasons; namely, the impossibility, that I foresaw, of maintaining and supporting troops from Europe, in the low parts of this country, during the sickly season. The fall months have caused such mortality in 1780 at the outposts, that no country on earth, at such a distance, could support the loss of men. Another reason that operated on my mind, added to the eagerness I observed in the generality of the people under my direction to have arms put into their hands on the incursions of the enemy, even while we had troops at Camden, preventing the negroes from being of any service to Government in planting and cultivating the land; what, with the proofs they have given, on various occasions, of spirit and enterprise, left me no room to doubt that they might be employed to the utmost advantage. While there was a ray of hope left for believing that Lord Cornwallis had made his escape with a small part of his army, I was easy and happy, convinced that he would not have hesitated a moment in giving freedom to men of all complexions that would faithfully serve the King, and assist in crushing a most infernal rebellion. And I cannot help thinking, my Lord, that there is something peculiarly fortunate in your Lordship's arrival here at this very critical moment; for next to Lord Cornwallis, who has the advantage of military rank in the empire, there is none so able to form and execute so great a design, nor in whom the King's friends have equal confidence as in your Lordship. Unless some vigorous step is taken, I humbly think it is more than probable that the nation at large will insist on this American War being relinquished. What can Administration say, what can they promise themselves or the nation, by a prosecution of the war in such hands? Nothing but ultimate ruin. "If, my Lord, this scheme is adopted, arranged, and ready for being put in execution, the moment the troops penetrate into the country after the arrival of the promised re-enforcements, America is to be to Lord conquered with its own force (I mean the Provincial troops and the Proposal black troops to be raised), and the British and Hessian army could be Dunmore. spared to attack the French where they are most vulnerable. The nation would, by that means, be relieved from an amazing burthen, that of supporting the army at New York, what has been a sink of treasure, and a bed of voluptuousness and dissipation. I say, my Lord, if the British and Hessian troops were ordered to leave the country, only sending force sufficient to garrison Rhode Island, that your Lordship and my friend Gov. Martin, with the Provincial troops, the King's friends, and the new levies, would soon possess the three Southern provinces, in spite of all the force the rebels could assemble. Tis notorious that more than two-thirds of North Carolina have expressed an eager desire for the re-establishment of British government. They have given striking proofs of zeal, spirit, and enterprise; and under the direction of those they love, and who would reward their merit, rebellion would soon cease to exist on the south side of James River. Pardon me, my Lord, for this tedious digression. Such a variety of new matter crowds upon me, that I could not help giving my thoughts a place. "It may, and I dare say will, be said by Opposition, 'What! arm the slaves? We shudder at the very idea, so repugnant to humanity, so barbarous and shocking to human nature,' &c. One very simple answer is, in my mind, to be given: Whether is it better to make this vast continent become an acquisition of power, strength, and consequence to Great Britain again, or tamely give it up to France, who will reap the fruits of American Independence, to the utter ruin of Britain? It may be said, 'How can you do such an injury to your friends?' In the first place, our friends in this province are not numerous whose property consists in slaves. The friends of Britain in the Southern provinces, in general, are the merchants; and they have little property in slaves. And, in the second place, I deny that we injure our friends by giving freedom to those slaves that are proper for soldiers. 'Tis only changing one master for another; and let it be clearly understood that they are to serve the King for ever, and that those slaves who are not taken for his Majesty's service are to remain on the plantation, and perform, as usual, the labor of the field; and, so far from ruining the property, I do aver, and experience will, I doubt not, justify the assertion, that, by embodying the most hardy, intrepid, and determined blacks, they would not only keep the rest in good order, but, by being disciplined and under command, be prevented from rais to Lord Dunmore. Proposal ing cabals, tumults, and even rebellion, what I think might be expected soon after a peace; but so far from making even our lukewarm friends and secret foes greater enemies by this measure, I will, by taking their slaves, engage to make them better friends. This, my Lord, may appear enigmatical; but your Lordship's experience of mankind in general, and of the people in this country in particular, will do justice to my opinion, that if the nation had, instead of lavishing her treasure, and opening a very wide door for her servants to heap up wealth at her expense, and feeding and supporting, by her gold that circulates in the country, that very rebellion she wished to crush; I say, my Lord, that [had] she, instead of paying money for all necessaries purchased for the use of the army, granted receipts, bearing interest so long as the holders remained loyal, and a promise to pay the principal at the expiration of the rebellion, our affairs would have been in a very different situation to-day. Sketch of a plan for negroes. "I have, my Lord, done myself the honor to enclose a sketch of a plan for embodying ten thousand men; and I would beg leave to suggest to your Lordship the propriety of laying your plan before Col. Moncrief, and offering him a brigade, with your Lordship's interest to secure him the rank of brigadier-general. I can assure you of a certainty, that it will be by much the best channel in which it can be placed; and I would humbly recommend to your Lordship to make it known only to Moncrief, who, with yourself, is fully equal to set it on its legs. I am afraid, my Lord, that I have wearied your patience. My motives I beg you may believe to be most pure; and I have the honor to be, my Lord, your Lordship's most obedient and most humble servant, "J. CRUDEN." "CHARLES TOWN, 5th January, 1782. "In the Province of South Carolina, ten thousand Black Troops arming the may be raised, inured to fatigue and to the climate, without impoverishing the plantations so much that they might not be able to produce crops equal to the maintenance and support, not only of the women and children that are left on the estates, but also sufficient to feed, clothe, and pay the Black Troops. “When these men are raised, there can be no doubt, that, with the force here, they will be able to drive the enemy from the Province, and open a large door for our friends from North Carolina to join us, till such time as it may be policy, and we may have a sufficient command of the sea, to enter Virginia. a plan for arming the negroes. "When the country is again in our possession, with proper and Sketch of effectual support, I will engage to maintain and clothe those Black Troops from the estates of the enemy; and I will also and I will also engage to pay the interest of the receipts granted to our friends, at the rate of eight per cent. And, to convince the world that we never adopt any measure at the expense of individuals, let three or more gentlemen of the country men of honor and probity—be appointed to value the negroes that belong to our friends, and at the rate they would have sold for in 1773, and Government to be accountable for the amount at the expiration of the war, paying interest at the customary rate, so long as the parties concerned maintained their allegiance. "That, for all negroes, the property of the enemy, the adjutantgeneral to grant receipts to the commissioner of sequestered estates, and returns made to him when they are killed, or lost to the service, that others may be furnished to supply their place. "It is impossible to conceive or think what the effects of such a measure would be. Striking at the root of all property, and making the wealth and riches of the enemy the means of bringing them to obedience, must bring the most violent to their senses. Such a wonderful change may it work, that I would not be surprised, that those now most violent against us would be foremost in an application for peace on our own terms. Property, all the world over, is dear to mankind; and in this country they are as much wedded to it as in any other; and, in the Southern Provinces, men are great in proportion to the number of their slaves. "I should think that one major-general, two brigadier-generals, six lieutenant-colonels commandant, twelve majors and twelve adjutants, ninety-six captains, one hundred and ninety-two lieutenants, with quartermasters, &c., &c., &c., would be equal to discipline and command ten thousand men. "J. CRUDEN.” EARL OF DUNMORE TO SIR HENRY CLINTON. "CHARLES TOWN, Feb. 2, 1782. more to Sir "SIR,I was in hopes of having the pleasure of delivering the Lord Dun“SIR, enclosed letters in person, but the fleet in which I came out not pro- Henry ceeding to New York, being advised, and thinking it unsafe to hazard a Clinton. further voyage to the northward, at this season of the year, with so large a fleet. Lord Dun- Henry "I should have sent you these letters by the 'Rotterdam,' had I known she meant to go to New York, as I do not know but they may be of importance. By one of them, your Excellency will see that his Majesty wished I would return to this country; we then thinking that we should have found our affairs in Virginia in a very different state from what they really are; and for which, in my humble opinion, there is now no remedy left, without adopting the following plan, or something similar to it, which I humbly submit to your serious consideration. "I arrived here the 21st of December; and, having no employment, I made it my business to converse with every one that I thought capable of giving me any good information of the real situation of this country: and every one that I have conversed with think, and, I must own, my own sentiments perfectly coincide with theirs, that the most efficacious, expeditious, cheapest, and certain means of reducing this country to a proper sense of their duty is in employing the blacks, who are, in my opinion, not only better fitted for service in this warm climate than white men, but they are also better guides, may be got on much easier terms, and are perfectly attached to our sovereign. And, by employing them, you cannot devise a means more effectual to distress your foes, not only by depriving them of their property, but by depriving them of their labor. You in reality deprive them of their existence; for, without their labor, they cannot subsist: and, from my own knowledge of them, I am sure they are as soon disciplined as any set of raw men that I know of. "From my perfect belief of the above facts, I do most earnestly wish your Excellency would adopt the measure on some such footing as is here enclosed; and, as the strongest proof of my good opinion of the measure, I am most willing, provided you approve, and have no other person you may think better qualified to put it in execution, to hazard my reputation and person in the execution of it. "What I would further propose is, that the officers of the Provincials, who are swarming in the streets here, perfectly idle, should be employed to command these men, with the rank they now have. "I would also propose, at first, to raise only ten thousand Blacks, to give them white officers and non-commissioned officers, but to fill up the vacancies of the non-commissioned officers now and then with black people, as their services should entitle them to it. "In order to induce the negroes to enlist, I would propose to give each black man one guinea and a crown, with a promise of freedom to all that should serve during the continuance of the war; and, that they |