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this latitude the weather will for a considerable | Virginia would be in our power, and the enemy period be very uncertain, and a movement com- forced to abandon Tennessee and North Caromenced in force on roads in tolerably firm con- lina. The alternative presented to the enemy dition will be liable, almost certain, to be much would be, to beat us in a position selected delayed by rains and snow. It will, therefore, by ourselves, disperse, or pass beneath the be next to imposssible to surprise the enemy, or Candine forks. take him at a disadvantage by rapid manœuvres. Our slow progress will enable him to divine our purposes, and take his measures accordingly. The probability is, from the best information we possess, that the enemy has improved the roads leading to his lines of defence, while we have to work as we advance.

“Bearing in mind what has been said, and the present unprecedented and impassable condition of the roads, it will be evident that no precise period can be fixed upon for the movement on this line., Nor can its duration be closely calculated; it seems certain that many weeks may elapse before it is possible to commence the march. Assuming the success of this operation, and the defeat of the enemy as certain, the question at once arises as to the importance of the results gained. I think these results would be confined to the possession of the field of battle, the evacuation of the line of the upper Potomac by the enemy, and the moral effect of the victory; important results it is true, but not decisive of the war, nor securing the destruction of the enemy's main army, for he could fall back upon other positions, and fight us again and again, should the condition of his troops permit. If he is in no condition to fight us-again out of the range of the intrenchments at Richmond, we would find it a very difficult and tedious matter to follow him up there, for he would destroy his railroad bridges and otherwise impede our progress through a region where the roads are as bad as they well can be, and we would probably find ourselves forced at last to change the whole theatre of war, or to seek a shorter land route to Richmond, with a smaller available force, and at an expenditure of much more time, than were we to adopt the short line at once. We would also have forced the enemy to concentrate his forces and perfect his defensive measures at very points where it is desirable to strike him when least prepared. "II. The second base of operations available for the army of the Potomac is that of the lower Chesapeake bay, which affords the shortest possible land route to Richmond, and strikes directly at the heart of the enemy's power in

the east.

"The roads in that region are passable at all seasons of the year.

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The country now alluded to is much more favorable for offensive operations than that in front of Washington, (which is very unfavorable), much more level, more cleared land, the woods less dense, the soil more sandy, and the spring some two or three weeks earlier. movement in force on that line obliges the enemy to abandon his intrenched position at Manassas, in order to hasten to cover Richmond and Norfolk. He must do this; for should he permit us to occupy Richmond, his destruction can be averted only by entirely defeating us in a battle, in which he must be the assailant. This movement, if successful, gives us the capital, the communications, the supplies of the rebels; Norfolk would fall; all the waters of the Chesapeake would be ours; all

"Should we be beaten in a battle, we have a perfectly secure retreat down the Peninsula upon Fort Monroe, with our flanks perfectly covered by the fleet.

"During the whole movement our left flank is covered by the water. Our right is secure, for the reason that the enemy is too distant to reach us in time; he can only oppose us in front; we bring our fleet into full play.

"Áfter a successful battle our position would be-Burnside forming our left-Norfolk held securely-our centre connecting Burnside with Buell, both by Raleigh and Lynchburg-Buell in eastern Tennessee and North AlabamaHalleck at Nashville and Memphis.

"The next movement would be to connect with Sherman on the left, by reducing Wilmington and Charleston; to advance our centre into South Carolina and Georgia; to push Buell either towards Montgomery, or to unite with the main army in Georgia; to throw Halleck southward to meet the naval expedition from New Orleans.

"We should then be in a condition to reduce at our leisure all the southern seaports; to occupy all the avenues of communication; to use the great outlet of the Mississippi; to re-estab lish our government and arms in Arkansas, Louisiana and Texas; to force the slaves to labor for our subsistence, instead of that of the rebels; to bid defiance to all foreign interference. Such is the object I have ever had in view-this is the general plan which I hope to accomplish.

"For many long months I have labored to prepare the army of the Potomac to play its part in the programme; from the day when I was placed in command of all our armies, I have exerted myself to place all the other armies in such a condition that they, too, could perform their allotted duties.

This

"Should it be determined to operate from the lower Chesapeake, the point of landing which promises the most brilliant result is Urbana, on the lower Rappahannock. point is easily reached by vessels of heavy draught; it is neither occupied nor observed by the enemy-it is but one march from West Point, the key of that region, and thence but two marches to Richmond. A rapid movement from Urbana would probably cut off Magruder in the Peninsula, and enable us to occupy Richmond, before it could be strongly re-enforced.

Should we fail in that, we could, with the co-operation of the navy, cross the James and throw ourselves in the rear of Richmond, thus forcing the enemy to come out and attack us, for his position would be untenable, with us on the southern bank of the river.

"Should circumstances render it not advisable to land at Urbana, we can use Mobjack bay; or, the worst coming to the worst, we can take Fort Monroe as a base, and operate with complete security, although with less celerity and brilliancy of results-up the Peninsula.

"To reach whatever point may be selected as a base, a large amount of cheap water trans

permit. I believe that the mass of the people have entire confidence in us-I am sure of it. Let us, then, look only to the great result to be accomplished, and disregard everything else.

"I am, very respectfully, your ob't serv't, "GEO. B. MCCLELLAN,

66

Major General Commanding. "Hon. E. M. STANTON,

Secretary of War."

portation must be collected, consisting mainly of canal-boats, barges, wood-boats, schooners, &c., towed by small steamers, all of a very different character from those required for all previous expeditions. This can certainly be accomplished within thirty days from the time the order is given. I propose, as the best possible plan that can, in my judgment, be adopted, to select Urbana as a landing place for the first detachments; to transport by water four divisions of infantry with their batteries, the regular infantry, a few wagons, one bridge train This letter must have produced some effect and a few squadrons of cavalry, making the upon the mind of the President, since the exevicinity of Hooker's position the place of em- cution of his order was not required, although barkation for as many as possible; to move the it was not revoked as formally as it had been regular cavalry and reserve artillery, the re-issued. Many verbal conferences ensued, in maining bridge trains and wagons, to a point which, among other things, it was determined somewhere near Cape Lookout, then ferry them to collect as many canal boats as possible, with over the river by means of North River ferry- a view to employ them largely in the transportaboats, march them over to the Rappahannock, tion of the army to the lower Chesapeake. The (covering the movement by an infantry force idea was at one time entertained by the Presinear Heathsville), and to cross the Rappahan-dent to use them in forming a bridge across the nock in a similar way. The expense and difficulty of he movement will then be very much diminished, (a saving of transportation of about 10,000 horses), and the result none the less certain.

"The concentration of the cavalry, &c., on the lower counties of Maryland can be effected without exciting suspicion, and the movement made without delay from that cause.

"This movement, if adopted, will not at all expose the city of Washington to danger.

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Potomac near Liverpool point; but this was subsequently abandoned. It was also found by experience that it would require much time to prepare the canal boats for use in transportation, to the extent it had been anticipated.

Finally, on the 27th of February, 1862, the Secretary of War, by the authority of the President, instructed Mr. John Tucker, Assistant Secretary of War, to procure at once the necessary steamers and sailing craft to transport the army of the Potomac to its new field of operations.

The following extract from the report of Mr. Tucker, dated April 5, will show the nature and progress of this well-executed service:

*

*

The total force to be thrown upon the new line would be, according to circumstances, from 110,000 to 140,000. I hope to use the latter number by bringing fresh troops into Washington, and still leaving it quite safe. I fully realize that in all projects offered, time will probably be the most valuable consideration. "I was called to Washington by telegraph, It is my decided opinion that, in that point of on 17th January last, by Assistant Secretary of view, the second plan should be adopted. It is War Thomas A. Scott. I was informed that possible, nay, highly probable, that the weather Major General McClellan wished to see me. and state of the roads may be such as to delay From him I learned that he desired to know if the direct movement from Washington, with its transportation on smooth water could be obunsatisfactory results and great risks, far be-tained to move at one time, for a short distance, yond the time required to complete the second about 50,000 troops, 10,000 horses, 1,000 wagons, plan. In the first case we can fix no definite 13 batteries and the usual equipments of such an time for an advance. The roads have gone from bad to worse. Nothing like their present condition was ever known here before; they are impassable at present. We are entirely at the mercy of the weather. It is by no means certain that we can beat them at Manassas. On the other line I regard the success as certain by all the chances of war. We demoralize the enemy by forcing him to abandon his prepared position for one which we have chosen, in which all is in our favor, and where success must produce.immense results.

army. He frankly stated to me that he had always considered such a movement entirely feasible, until two experienced quartermasters had recently reported it impracticable, in their judgement. A few days afterwards, I reported to General McClellan that I was entirely confident the transports could be commanded, and stated the mode by which his object could be accomplished. A week or two afterwards I had the honor of an interview with the President and General McClellan, when the subject was further discussed, and especially as to the time required.

66 My judgment, as a general, is clearly in favor of this project. Nothing is certain in "I expressed the opinion that, as the movewar, but all the chances are in favor of this ment of the horses and wagons would have to movement. So much am I in favor of the be made chiefly by schooners and barges, that southern line of operations, that I would pre-as each schooner would require to be properly fer the move from Fortress Monroe as a base-fitted for the protection of the horses, and furnas a certain though less brilliant movement ished with a supply of water and forage, and than that from Urbana, to an attack upon Ma

nassas.

"I know that his excellency the President, you, and I, all agree in our wishes; and that these wishes are, to bring this war to a close as promptly as the means in our possession will

each transport for the troops provided with water, I did not deem it prudent to assume that such an expedition could start within thirty days from the time the order was given.

"The President and General McClellan both urgently stated the vast importance of an earlier

movement. I replied that if favorable winds prevailed, and there was great despatch in loading, the time might be materially diminished. On the 14th February you (Secretary of War) advertised for transports of various descriptions, inviting bids on the 27th February. I was informed that the proposed movement by water was decided upon. That evening the Quartermaster General was informed of the decision. Directions were given to secure the transportation-any assistance was tendered. He promptly detailed to this duty two most efficient assistants in his department. Colonel Rufus Ingalls was stationed at Annapolis, where it was then proposed to embark the troops, and Captain Henry C. Hodges was directed to meet me in Philadelphia, to attend to chartering the vessels. With these arrangements I left Washington on the 28th February.

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President, was by a movement by land, from the left of our lines, on the right bank of the Potomac-a movement obviously unwise.

The attention of the Navy Department, as early as August 12, 1861, had been called to the necessity of maintaining a strong force of efficient war vessels on the Potomac.

"HEADQUARTERS DIVISION OF THE POTOMAC,

"Washington, August 12, 1861.

formation which convinces me that it is more SIR: I have to-day received additional inthan probable that the enemy will, within a able force from the mouth of Aquia creek into a very sort time, attempt to throw a respectMaryland. This attempt will probably be preceded by the erection of batteries at Matthias and White House points. Such a movement on the part of the enemy, in connexion with others probably designed, would place Washington in great jeopardy. I most earnestly urge that the strongest possible naval force be at once concentrated near the mouth of Acquia creek, and that the most vigilant watch be maintained day and night, so as to render such passage of the river absolutely impossible.

"I recommend that the Minnesota and any other vessels available from Hampton Roads be at once ordered up there, and that a great quan

"If the Naval Department will render it absolutely impossible for the enemy to cross the river below Washington, the security of the capital will be greatly increased.

"In thirty-seven days from the time I re-tity of coal be sent to that vicinity, sufficient ceived the order in Washington, (and most of for several weeks' supply. At least one strong it was accomplished in thirty days), these ves-war vessel should be kept at Alexandria, and I sels transported from Perryville, Alexandria, again urge the concentration of a strong naval and Washington to Fort Monroe (the place of force on the Potomac without delay. departure having been changed, which caused delay), 121,500 men, 14,592 animals, 1,150 wagons, 44 batteries, 74 ambulances, besides pontoon bridges, telegraph materials, and the enormous quantity of equippage, &c., required for an army of such magnitude. The only loss of which I have heard is eight mules and nine barges, which latter went ashore in a gale a few miles from Fort Monroe-the cargoes being saved. With this trifling exception, not the slightest accident has occurred, to my knowl-Hon. GIDEON WELLES,

edge.

"I respectfully, but confidently, submit that, for economy and celerity of movement, this expedition is without a parallel on record.

"JOHN TUCKER,
"Assistant Secretary of War."

"I cannot too earnestly urge an immediate compliance with these requests. "I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant. "GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN, Major General Commanding.

Secretary U. S. Navy.”

It was on the 27th of September, 1861, that General Barnard, Chief Engineer, in company with Captain Wyman of the Potomac flotilla, had been instructed to make a reconnoissance of the enemy's batteries as far as Matthias point. In his report of his observations he says:

"Batteries at High point and Cockpit point, In the mean time the destruction of the bat- and thence down to Chopawampsic, cannot be teries on the lower Potomac, by crossing our prevented. We may, indeed, prevent their troops opposite them, was considered, and construction on certain points, but along here preparations were even made for throwing somewhere the enemy can establish, in spite of Hooker's division across the river, to carry us, as many batteries as he chooses. What is them by assault. Finally, however, after an the remedy? Favorable circumstances, not to adverse report from Brigadier General J. G. be anticipated nor made the basis of any calcuBarnard, Chief Engineer, given below, who lations, might justify and render successful the made a reconnoissance of the positions, and in attack of a particular battery. To suppose that view of the fact that it was still out of the we can capture all, and by mere attacks of this power of the navy department to furnish suit-kind prevent the navigation being molested, is able vessels to co-operate with land troops, this very much the same as to suppose that the hosplan was abandoned as impracticable. A close tile army in our own front can prevent us examination of the enemy's works and their building and maintaining field-works to protect approaches, made after they were evacuated, | Arlington and Alexandria by capturing them, showed that the decision was a wise one. The one and all, as fast as they are built." only means, therefore, of accomplishing the capture of these works, so much desired by the

In another communication upon the subject of crossing troops for the purpose of destroying

the batteries on the Virginia side of the Potomac, General Barnard says:

"The operation involves the forcing of a very strong line of defence of the enemy, and all that we would have to do if we were really opening a campaign against them there.

ure.

"It is true we hope to force this line by turning it, by landing on Freestone point. With reason to believe that this may be successful, it cannot be denied that it involves a risk of failShould we, then, considering all the consequences which may be involved, enter into the operation, merely to capture the Potomac batteries? I think not. Will not the Ericsson. assisted by one other gunboat capable of keeping alongside these batteries, so far control their fire as to keep the navigation sufficiently free as long as we require it? Captain Wyman says yes.'

It was the opinion of competent naval officers, and I concur with them, that had an adequate force of strong and well-armed vessels been acting on the Potomac from the beginning of August, it would have been next to impossible for the rebels to have constructed or maintained batteries upon the banks of the river. The enemy never occupied Matthias point, nor any other point on the river, which was out of supporting distance from the main

army.

When the enemy commenced the construction of these batteries, the army of the Potomac was not in a condition to prevent it. Their destruction by our army would have afforded but a temporary relief unless we had been strong enough to hold the entire line of the Potomac. This could be done either by driving the enemy from Manassas and Aquia creek, by main force, or by manœuvring to compel them to vacate their positions. The latter course was finally pursued, and with success.

About the 20th of February, 1862, additional measures were taken to secure the reopening of the Baltimore and Ohio railroad. The preliminary operations of General Lander for this object are elsewhere described.

I had often observed to the President and to members of the cabinet that the reconstruction of this railway could not be undertaken until we were in a condition to fight a battle to secure it. I regarded the possession of Winchester and Strasburg as necessary to cover the railway in the rear, and it was not till the month of February that I felt prepared to accomplish this very desirable but not vital purpose.

stated to the President and Secretary of War that the chief object of the operation would be to open the Baltimore and Ohio railroad by crossing the river in force at Harper's Ferry; that I had collected the material for making a permanent bridge by means of canal-boats; that from the nature of the river, it was doubtful whether such a bridge could be constructed; that if it could not, I would at least occupy the ground in front of Harper's Ferry, in order to cover the rebuilding of the railroad bridge; and finally, when the communications were perfectly secure, move on Winchester.

batteau bridge nearly completed; the holding"When I arrived at the place I found the ground proved better than had been anticipated; I at once crossed over the two brigades which the weather was favorable, there being no wind. had arrived, and took steps to hurry up the other two, belonging respectively to Banks's and Sedgwick's divisions. The difficulty of crossThat night I telegraphed for a regiment of reging supplies had not then become apparent. ular cavalry and four batteries of heavy artillery to come up the next day, (Thursday), besides directing Keyes's division of infantry to be up on Friday.

moved

"Next morning the attempt was made to pass the canal-boats through the lift-lock, in order to commence at once the construction of a permanent bridge. It was then found for the first time that the lock was too small to permit the passage of the boats, it having been built for a class of boats running on the Shenandoah canal, and too narrow by some four or six inches for the canal-boats. The lift-locks, above and below, are all large enough for the ordinary boats. I had seen them at Edwards's ferry thus used. It had always been represented to the engineers by the military railroad employes, and others, that the lock was large enough, and, the difference being too small to be detected by the eye, no one had thought of measuring it, or suspecting any difficulty. I thus suddenly found myself unable to build the permanent bridge. A violent gale had arisen, which threatened the safety of our only means of communication; the narrow approach to the bridge was so crowded and clogged with wagons that it was very clear that, under existing circumstances, nothing more could be done than to cross over the baggage and supplies of the two brigades. Of the others, instead of being able to cross both during the morning, the last arrived only in time to go over just before dark. It was evident that the troops under orders would only be in the way, should they arrive, and that it would not be possible to subsist them for a rapid march on Winchester. It was therefore deemed necessary to countermand the order, content ourselves with covering the reopening of the railroad for the present, and in the mean time use every exertion to establish, as promptly as possible, depots of forage and subsistence on the Virginia side, to supply the troops, and enable them to move on Winchester independently of the bridge. The next day (Friday) I sent a strong reconnoissance to Charlestown, and, under its protection, went there myself. I then determined to hold that place, and to move the troops composing Lander's and Williams's "When I started for Harper's Ferry I plainly commands at once on Martinsburg and Bunker

The whole of Banks's division and two brigades of Sedgwick's division were thrown across the river at Harper's Ferry, leaving one brigade of Sedgwick's division to observe and guard the Potomac from Great Falls to the mouth of the Monocacy. A sufficient number of troops of all arms were held in readiness in the vicinity of Washington, either to march via Leesburg or to move by rail to Harper's Ferry, should this become necessary in carrying out the objects in view.

The subjoined notes from a communication subsequently addressed to the War Department will sufficiently explain the conduct of these operations:

NOTES.

Hill, thus effectually covering the reconstruc-ferred deferring its practical execution until tion of the railroad.

"Having done this, and taken all the steps in my power to insure the rapid transmission of supplies over the river, I returned to this city, well satisfied with what had been accomplished. While up the river I learned that the President was dissatisfied with the state of affairs; but, on return here. understood from the Secretary of War that upon learning the whole state of the case the President was fully satisfied. I contented myself, therefore, with giving to the Secretary a brief statement, as I have written

here."

The design aimed at was entirely compassed, and before the first of April, the date of my departure for the Peninsula, the railroad was in running order. As a demonstration upon the left flank of the enemy, this movement no doubt assisted in determining the evacuation of his lines on the 8th and 9th of March.

On my return from Harper's Ferry, on the 28th of February, the preparations necessary to carry out the wishes of the President and Secretary of War in regard to destroying the batteries on the lower Potomac were at once undertaken. Mature reflection convinced me that this operation would require the movement of the entire army, for I felt sure that the enemy would resist it with his whole strength. I undertook it with great reluctance, both on account of the extremely unfavorable condition of the roads and my firm conviction that the proposed movement to the lower Chesapeake would necessarily, as it subsequently did, force the enemy to abandon all his positions in front of Washington. Besides, it did not forward my plan of campaign to precipitate this evacuation by any direct attack, nor to subject the army to any needless loss of life and materiel by a battle near Washington, which could produce no decisive results. The preparations for a movement towards the Occoquan, to carry the batteries, were, however, advanced as rapidly as the season permitted, and I had invited the commanders of divisions to meet at headquarters on the 8th of March, for the purpose of giving them their instructions, and receiving their advice and opinion in regard to their commands, when an interview with the President indicated to me the possibility of a change of my orders.

His excellency sent for me at a very early hour on the morning of the 8th, and renewed his expression of dissatisfaction with the affair of Harper's Ferry, and with my plans for the new movement down the Chesapeake. Another recital of the same facts which had before given satisfaction to his excellency again produced, as I supposed, the same result.

The views which I expressed to the President were re-enforced by the result of a meeting of my general officers at headquarters. At that meeting my plans were laid before the division commanders, and were approved by a majority of those present. Nevertheless, on the same day two important orders were issued by the President, without consultation with me. The first of these was the general war order No. 2, directing the formation of army corps, and assigning their commanders.

some little experience in campaign and on the field of battle should show what general officers were most competent to exercise these high commands, for it must be remembered that we then had no officers whose experience in war on a large scale was sufficient to prove that they possessed the necessary qualifications. An incompetent commander of an army corps might cause irreparable damage, while it is not probable that an incompetent division commander could cause any very serious mischief. These views had frequently been expressed by me to the President and members of the cabinet; it was therefore with as much regret as surprise that I learned the existence of this order.

The first order has been given above; the second order was as follows:

[President's General War Order No. 8.] EXECUTIVE MANSION, Washington, March 8, 1862. "Ordered, That no change of the base of operations of the army of the Potomac shall be made without leaving in and about Washington such a force as, in the opinion of the generalin chief and the commanders of army corps, shall leave said city entirely secure.

"That no more than two army corps (about fifty thousand troops) of said army of the Poto mac shall be moved en route for a new base of operations until the navigation of the Potomac, from Washington to the Chesapeake bay, shall be freed from enemy's batteries, and other obstructions, or until the President shall hereafter give express permission.

"That any movement as aforesaid, en route for a new base of operations, which may be ordered by the general-in-chief, and which may be intended to move upon the Chesapeake bay, shall begin to move upon the bay as early as the 18th of March instant, and the general-inchief shall be responsible that it moves as early as that day.

"Ordered, That the army and navy co-oper ate in an immediate effort to capture the ene my's batteries upon the Potomac between Washington and the Chesapeake bay.

"ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "L. THOMAS, Adjutant General.”

After what has been said already in regard to the effect of a movement to the lower Chesapeake it is unnecessary for me to comment upon this document, further than to say that the time of beginning the movement depended upon the state of readiness of the transports, the entire control of which had been placed by the Secre tary of War in the hands of one of the Assistant Secretaries, and not under the Quartermaster General; so that even if the movement were not impeded by the condition imposed, in regard to the batteries on the Potomac, it could not have been in my power to begin it before the 18th of March, unless the Assistant Secretary of War had completed his arrangements by that time.

Meanwhile important events were occurring which materially modified the designs for the subsequent campaign. The appearance of the I had always been in favor of the principle Merrimack off Old Point Comfort, and the enof an organization into army corps, but pre-counter with the United States squadron on the

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