History of the United States of America: 1861-1865. The civil war |
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Written 1899, not 1800 as shown
User Review - Flag as inappropriate
As this is a history of the Civil War, it is unlikely to have been written in 1800.
Google Books' inaccuracy in recording publication dates and the lack of any mechanism to fix them is annoying.
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Common terms and phrases
administration advance already American arms army authority battle brought Cabinet called campaign carried cause chief civil close command Confederacy Confederate Congress constitutional corps course Cycl Davis despatch direction duty early effect enemy felt field fight final followed force friends gained gave Governor Grant hand held House issue Johnston July June later Lee's less Lincoln loyal McClellan ment miles military Missouri months moved never night North Northern officers once operations orders passed political position present President rank reached received regiments remained Richmond river Secretary seemed Senate sent Seward Sherman showed side slave soldiers soon South Southern strong success supplies thousand tion took troops turned Union United Virginia volunteers vote Washington West whole
Popular passages
Page 5 - I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it." I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.
Page 195 - Mr. President, I approve of the proclamation, but I question the expediency of its issue at this juncture. The depression of the public mind, consequent upon our repeated reverses, is so great that I fear the effect of so important a step. It may be viewed as the last measure of an exhausted government, a cry for help ; the government stretching forth its hands to Ethiopia, instead of Ethiopia stretching forth her hands to the government.
Page 8 - William H. Seward, of New York, Secretary of State; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War; Gideon Welles, of Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy; Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, Secretary of the Interior; Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, Postmaster-General; and Edward Bates, of Missouri, Attorney-General.
Page 191 - I have come to you from the West, where we have always seen the backs of our enemies— from an army whose business it has been to seek the adversary, and to beat him when found, whose policy has been attack and not defence.
Page 40 - In answer to your requisition for troops from Arkansas, to subjugate the Southern States, I have to say that none will be furnished. The demand is only adding insult to injury. The people of this Commonwealth are freemen, not slaves, and will defend to the last extremity, their honor, lives, and property, against Northern mendacity and usurpation.
Page 48 - In all such territory the institution of negro slavery, as it now exists in the Confederate States, shall be recognized and protected by Congress and by the Territorial government...
Page 52 - With all my devotion to the Union, and the feeling of loyalty and duty of an American citizen, I have not been able to make up my mind to raise my hand against my relatives, my children, my home.
Page 230 - And I further declare and make known, that such persons, of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God.
Page 191 - My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.
Page 67 - That number of men is about one-tenth of those of proper ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to engage; and the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money value owned by the men who seem ready to devote the whole.