needed; the fortifications upon the coast would have been rendered impregnable against local attacks; and, with the exception of South Carolina, no State would have withdrawn from the Union. Such a policy was strongly recommended to Mr. Buchanan's Administration, at the time, by The New York Herald; but treason in his Cabinet, and the atrocious perfidy of many others who surrounded him, prevented his acts from corresponding with the exigencies of the period. It is better, however, late than

never.

***

of the combatants, was not to be expected. That the hated 'Abolitionists' were the real, responsible, culpable authors of the long foreseen and deeply deplored collision, was doubtless still the belief of thousands who saw no adequate reason for insisting on it at this juncture, and in whose minds indignation at the Secession

“The time has passed for such pub-ists, not only as factious and unpa

lic peace meetings, in the North, as were advocated, and might have effected some beneficial result, a few weeks since. War will make the Northern people a unit. Republicans look upon it as inevitable, and Democrats have been gradually becoming disgusted at the neglect and ingratitude with which they have been treated by a section for which they have faithfully borne the heat and burden of conflict for so many years. Fire-eaters have accustomed themselves to adopt an indiscriminate tone of hostility toward citizens of the non-slaveholding States, which would have, long ago, alienated their friends, but that the party attachment of the latter has been founded upon principles, not recklessly to be abandoned.

"The policy adopted by Mr. Lincoln, as set forth in his Proclamation and his speech to the Virginia Commissioners, is, on the whole, approved by the masses of the community. It cannot harm the North eventually; and, if the damage it may inflict upon the South is to be regretted, it will be none the less well, if it secures final peace to the country."

That those who for years had zealously maintained that a simple adherence to the policy of Jefferson with regard to the exclusion of Slavery from the territories was an unwarranted and unjustifiable war upon 'the South,' impelled by 'fanaticism' and 'sectional' hate, should, by the mere crashing of a few balls against the walls of a Federal fortress, be converted to an entirely different an entirely different view of the past and present attitude

'The New York Herald of April 10th, after proclaiming in its 'leader' that 'civil war is close at hand,' and announcing that Lieut. Talbot had been stopped in Charleston on his return from

triotic, but as untrue and ungrateful to their conservative' friends in the Free States, for the moment overbore all countervailing considerations. But, despite this undertone of demur and dissatisfaction, it is certain that the North had never before seemed so nearly and enthusiastically unanimous and determined as in devotion to the maintenance of the Union for the month or two succeeding the reduction of Fort Sumter.

Very different was the impression made on the public mind of the South by the same occurrences-strikingly diverse was the reception there accorded to the President's Proclama tion.

On the evening of April 12th, the Confederates congregated at their capital, Montgomery, held high carnival over the tidings that Beauregard had, by order, opened fire that morning on Fort Sumter. As was natural, their Secretary of War, Mr. Leroy Pope Walker, was called out for a speech, and, in his response, predicted that the Confederate flag would float, before the 1st of May, over Washington City,' as it might, ultimately, over Faneuil Hall itself.

Washington to Major Anderson in Fort Sumter says:

Anticipating, then, the speedy inauguration of civil war at Charleston, at Pensacola, or in

SOUTHERN RESPONSES TO THE PRESIDENT.

This declaration was, very naturally, at once flashed over the whole country; and it was well known that a portion of the Confederate forces were dispatched northward from Charleston directly after the fall of Sumter." Yet, in the face of these notorious facts, Gov. Letcher responded to the President's call on Virginia for Militia to defend the capital in the following terms:

"I have only to say that the militia of Virginia will not be furnished to the powers at Washington for any such use or purpose as they have in view. Your object is to subjugate the Southern States; and a requisition Inade upon me for such an object—an object, in my judgment, not within the purview of the Constitution or the Act of

1795-will not be complied with. You have chosen to inaugurate civil war; and, having done so, we will meet you in a spirit

as determined as the Administration has exhibited toward the South."

To the same effect, Gov. Ellis, of North Carolina-who had long been

Texas, or, perhaps, at all these places, the inquiry is forced upon us, What will be the probable consequences? We apprehend that they will be first, the secession of Virginia and the other border Slave States, and their union with the Confederate States; secondly, the organization of an army for the removal of the United States ensign and authorities from every fortress or public building within the Confederate States, including the White House, the Capitol, and other public buildings at Washington. After the secession of Virginia from the United States, it is not likely that Maryland can be restrained from the same decisive act. She will follow the fortunes of Virginia, and will undoubtedly claim that, in withdrawing from the United States, the District of Columbia reverts into her possession under the supreme right of revolution. Here we have verge and scope enough for a civil war of five, ten, or twenty years' duration.

"What for? To 'show that we have a Government'-to show that the seceded States are still in our Union, and are still subject to its laws and authorities. This is the fatal mistake of Mr. Lincoln, and his Cabinet, and his party. The simple truth-patent to all the world-is, that the seceded States are out of the Union, and are organized under an independent Government of their own. The authority of the United States, within the borders of this independent Confederacy, has been completely superseded, except in a detached fort here and there. We desire to restore this displaced authority in its full integrity. How is this to be done? By entering

459

thoroughly in the interest and counsels of the plotters of Disunion-responded to the call as follows:

“RALEIGH, April 15, 1861. "Honorable SIMON CAMERON,

66

Secretary of War: "Your dispatch is received, and, if genuine-which its extraordinary character leads I regard the levy of troops made by the Adme to doubt I have to say in reply, that ministration for the purpose of subjugating the States of the South, as in violation of the Constitution, and a usurpation of power. I can be no party to this wicked violation of the laws of the country, and to this war upon the liberties of a free people. You can get no troops from North Carolina. I will reply more in detail when your call is received by mail. JOHN W. ELLIS,

"Governor of North Carolina."

Gov. Isham G. Harris, of Tennessee likewise a thorough sympathizer with South Carolina-responded as follows:

"Tennessee will not furnish a single man for the defense of our rights and those of our for coercion, but fifty thousand, if necessary,

brethren."

into a war with the seceded States for the continued occupation of those detached forts? No. A war will only widen the breach, and enlarge and consolidate this Southern Confederacy, on the one hand; while, on the other hand, it will bring ruin upon the commerce, the manufactures, the financial and industrial interests, of our Northern cities and States, and may end in an oppressive military despotism.

"How then are we to restore these seceded States to the Union? We can do it only by conciliation and compromise."

10 The Mobile Advertiser about this time, had the following:

not.

Let a

"We are prepared to fight, and the enemy is Now is the time for action, while he is yet unprepared. Let the fife sound 'Gray Jackets over the Border,' and let a hundred thousand men, with such arms as they can snatch, get over the border as quickly as they can. division enter every Northern border State, destroy railroad connection to prevent concentration of the enemy, and the desperate strait of these States, the body of Lincoln's country, will compel him to a peace-or compel his successor, should Virginia not suffer him to escape from his doomed capital. Kentucky and Tennessee are offering to send legions south to our aid. Their route is north. They place themselves at the orders of our Government-and we have not yet heard that our Government has ordered them south."

From Union-loving Kentucky, this | gural Address, he is a guilty dissembler; if reply was rendered:

"FRANKFORT, April 16, 1861. "Hon. SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War: "Your dispatch is received. In answer, I say emphatically that Kentucky will furnish no troops for the wicked purpose of subduing her sister Southern States.

"B. MAGOFFIN,

"Governor of Kentucky."

Four days prior to the date of this exhibition of Kentucky loyalty, the following telegram had flown all over the country:.

"LOUISVILLE, Ky., April 12, 1861. "Dispatches have come here to hold the Kentucky volunteer regiment in readiness to move at a moment's notice from the War Department at Montgomery."

he has conceived it under the excitement aroused by the seizure of Fort Sumter, he is a guilty Hotspur. In either case, he is miserably unfit for the exalted position in which the enemies of the country have placed him. Let the people instantly take him and his Administration into their own hands, if they would rescue the land from bloodshed, and the Union from sudden and irretrievable destruction."

Few or no journals issued in the Slave States-save a portion of those of St. Louis and Knoxville-gave the call a more cordial greeting than this.

Gov. Claiborne F. Jackson," of Missouri, gave these among his reasons for disregarding and defying the President's call:

"It is illegal, unconstitutional, revolution

plied with."

He added:

This formal order from the Confed-ary, inhuman, diabolical, and cannot be comerate Government to the Kentuckians enlisted for its service does not seem to have evoked a remonstrance from her Governor. It was only the call for Kentuckians to maintain the

integrity of the Republic and enforce the authority of its Government that aroused his abhorrence of its "wicked purpose."

The Louisville Journal-chief ora

"Not one man will the State of Missouri furnish to carry on so unholy a crusade."

Gov. Burton, of Delaware, deferred his response to the 26th, and then stated that "the laws of this State do not confer upon the Executive any authority allowing him to comply with such requisition." He proceeded, however, formally and officially, to

"recommend the formation of volunteer

cle of Bell-Everett 'conservatism' in Kentucky—then, as before and since, companies for the protection of the lives and professedly devoted to the Union-property of the citizens of this State against thus responded to the President's call:

"The President's Proclamation has reached us. We are struck with mingled amazement and indignation. The policy announced in the Proclamation deserves the unqualified condemnation of every American citizen. It is unworthy not merely of a statesman but of a man. It is a policy utterly harebrained and ruinous. If Mr. Lincoln contemplated this policy in his Inau

11 The National Intelligencer-perhaps the only journal of note issued south of Mason and Dixon's line that did not utterly execrate the President's call-thus mildly indicated [April 16th] its dissent from the policy thereby initiated:

"For ourselves, we have to express the hope and belief that, until the meeting of Congress, the President will employ the forces of the Government in purely defensive purposes, guarding all points threatened with attack, and awaiting,

violence of any sort to which they may be exposed. For these purposes, such companies, when formed, will be under the control of the State authorities, though not subject to be ordered by the Executive into the United States service-the law not vesting in him such authority. They will, however, have the option of offering their services to the General Government for the defense of its Capital and the support of the Constitution and laws of the country."

in the mean time, the counsel and coöperation of the people's representatives, before proceeding to ulterior measures; and upon those representatives, when they are assembled, we shall, without questioning the legal rights of the Government, urge the impolicy of advising and consenting to the recapture of forts and public property, which we do not want in States out of the Union, and which, certainly, cannot be permanently regained to the Union by military force."

12 April 16th.

MARYLAND'S RESPONSE TO THE PRESIDENT'S CALL. 461

sister States in the Union by giving a Disunion majority on her vote for Members of Congress! Surely, no Secessionist could go further or ask more than that! Yet this was the response of the only Governor of a Slave State who had claimed votes for his party in the late Presidential canvass on the ground of its especial and unflinching devotion to "the Union, the Constitution, and the enforcement of the laws."

In other words: Gov. Burton called | engagements and obligations to her for an organization of the Militia of Delaware, not in obedience to the requisition of the President, nor in support of the integrity and authority of the Union, but to be wielded by himself, as circumstances should eventually dictate. And, in consistency with this, neither the Governor nor the great body of his political adherents rendered any aid or encouragement whatever to the Government down to the close of his official life, which happily terminated with the year 1862.

Gov. Hicks, of Maryland, made at first no direct, but several indirect, first no direct, but several indirect, responses to the President's call. He issued, on the 18th, a Proclamation, assuring the people of Maryland of his desire to preserve "the honor and integrity of the State," and to maintain "within her limits, that peace so earnestly desired by all good citi

zens." He exhorted them to "abstain from all heated controversy

upon the subject," and pledged them that "all powers vested in the Governor will be strenuously exerted to preserve the peace and maintain inviolable the honor and integrity of Maryland," adding his assurance that "no troops will be sent from Maryland, unless it may be for the defense of the National capital"that being the immediate end for which the President had required them. Finally, this model Southern Unionist apprised them that

"The people of this State will, in a short

time, have the opportunity afforded them, in a special election for Members of the Congress of the United States, to express their devotion to the Union, or their desire to see it broken up."

In other words: Maryland might, at any time, relieve herself of all her

Mayor Brown, of Baltimore-being thoroughly in the confidence as well as the interest of the Disunionists was but too happy to indorse and reiterate these sentiments. In a Proclamation of even date with the the Governor's views aforesaid, "and foregoing, he "heartily concurs" in will earnestly coöperate with his in the city of Baltimore;" but he efforts to maintain peace and order more especially approves and takes delight in the Governor's assurance that "no troops shall be sent from Maryland to the soil of any other State." Of course, he responds to the approaching election, the people the Governor's suggestion that, at of Maryland may vote themselves out of the Union, if a majority shall see fit to do so. He is sure that, if the Governor's counsels shall be heeded, "the storm of war which now threatens the country will, at least, pass over our beloved State and leave it unharmed; but, if they shall be disregarded, a fearful and fratricidal strife may at once burst forth in our midst.”

These hints and covert menaces were destined to receive a prompt and tragical explication.

rank Disunionists, and the Association was organized in the interest of Secession. None of the speakers di rectly advocated attacks on the Northern troops about to pass through the city; but each was open in his hostility to 'coërcion,' and ardently exhorted his hearers to organize, arm, and drill, for the conflict now inevitable. Carr said:

The President's call was issued on the morning of the 15th; and, on the evening of the 16th, several companies from Pennsylvania had reached Washington and reported for duty. In the afternoon of the 17th, the Sixth Massachusetts-the first full regiment that responded to the call-started from Boston by rail, leaving the Fourth all but ready to follow. On the 18th, more Pennsylvania Volunteers, including an artillery company, reported at Washington, having that day passed through Baltimore-mauger the Governor's and Mayor's Proclamations aforesaid-without objection or impediment. The Sixth Massachusetts-one thousand strongenjoyed that day a magnificent ovation in New York, and passed on southward at night, reaching Balti-President Davis.' more by train about noon on the 19th, utterly unsuspecting and unprepared for the reception that awaited them.

But the Secessionists of Baltimore had been intensely excited, on the 18th, by the arrival of emissaries from Charlestown, Va., instructed to exact not only pledges but guarantees from the managers of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad that no Federal troops should be permitted to pass over their main line, and that no munitions should be removed thereon from the Federal Arsenal at Harper's Ferry! In case of their refusal, their great bridge over the Potomac at that point should be blown up. Hereupon, an immense meeting of "The National Volunteer Association" was held at evening in Monument Square -T. Parkin Scott presiding; he, with Wilson C. N. Carr and William Burns (President of said Association) being the speakers. All these were

"I do not care how many Federal troops themselves surrounded by such an army from are sent to Washington; they will soon find Virginia and Maryland that escape to their homes will be impossible; and when the 75,000 who are intended to invade the South the South will exterminate and sweep them shall have polluted that soil with their touch, from the earth." [Frantic cheering and yelling.]

The meeting broke up with stentorian cheers for 'the South' and for

To add fuel to the raging flames, news arrived next morning that Lieut. Jones, who was in charge of the Federal Arsenal and other property at Harper's Ferry, with barely forty-five regulars, learning that a force of 2,500 Virginia Militia was advancing to seize that post, had evacuated it during the night, after endeavoring, in the face of a suddenly gathered force of Virginians, to destroy by fire the National property, including fifteen thousand Springfield muskets there deposited. These were somewhat injured; but the Confederates are understood to have ultimately repaired and used most of them. Lieut. Jones fled across the thin western strip of Maryland to Chambersburg, Pa., losing three of his men. He left the Ferry at 10 o'clock, P. M., and reached Hagerstown, Md., thirty miles distant, next morning; having blown up and destroyed the public property so far as