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expected. It was gratifying also he, " we must make a stand someto reflect, that at the very moment where, and where can we do it betwhen our merchants were deprived ter than in defence of our seamen of their trade with Russia, so large and our trade, which the Ameria portion of the continent of Ame- cans unequivocally demanded? If rica was thrown open to their enter- America prefer French alliance to prise. He hoped that we should British connection, it is not in your become independent of Russia for power to controul her choice, nor

If the legislature of these can you prevent that war which I kingdoms. would grant a liberal do not wish to take place; but bounty to encourage the cultivation which, if it does take place, I am of hemp and flax, both at home and confident, if pursued by us with in the British colonies, we might judgment and reference to the yet live to greet the day of our American character and situation, quarrel with Russia, and even hail no man need to fear.” But, lord with satisfaction the inauspicious Galloway observed, our chief contreaty of Tilsit.

cern was with France; “She proWith respect to the other powers claims, my lords, that she will of Europe, lord Galloway observed, not lay down her arms, but will that with the single exception of augment her force until she has Sweden, they were prostrate at the conquered the liberty of the seas, feet of France, and obedient to the the first right of all nations. In mandates of their domineering recommending to an armed master. But the conduct and spirit truce, which she calls a peace, she of the independent monarch of says, it shall endure until she Sweden merited every eulogium. chooses to proclaim anew the prinHe trusted that a British force ciples of her armed neutrality,' would aid him in the Baltic to defy when she permits you to proclaim his enemies, and that British grati. your principles of maritime law. tude would compensate any loss he is this what you are willing to acmight be obliged to suffer, by trans- cept as your peace? Have we al. ferring to him some of those colo- ready forgot the peace of Amiens? nies we could so well spare, and Do we wish to see the seamen of must soon take from our joint foes. France all restored, and the pendAs to our dispute with the United ants of her ships going up, while States of America, local knowledge ours will necessarily be coming obtained by him at the early periods down ? My lords, although the of the French revolution had en- arms of Europe may appear on the abled him to form a very decided side of France, I cannot believe opinion with respect to that country, that her heart is against this counand he was sorry to say, he could try. If we remain firm and unapnot form a flattering one; and he palled, as recommended by his was happy to learn by the tenour majesty, and exemplified by himof his majesty's speech, that it was seli, some balance may yet be prenot the intention of his majesty's served in Europe ; if we yield, no government to concede one single man can foresee the consequences." point more to that illiberal and pre- The earl concluded by moving an judiced people. “My lords,” said address to his majesty, which, as

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usual, re-echoed the sentiments of been apprized of the intention the speech. This motion was sé of the enemy to combine the conded by lord Kenyon, who powers of the continent in one gendwelt chiefly on the passage in the eral confederacy, to be directed speech which related to the emi- either to the entire subjugation of gration of the court of Portugal to this kingdom, or to the imposing the Brazils, and the spirit with upon his majesty an insecure and which ministers conducted them- inglorious peace; that for this

purselves in not surrendering the naval pose, states, formerly neutral, were rights of this country to the Ameri- to be forced into hostility, and

The duke of Norfolk was compelled to bring to bear against sorry that it would be impossible for the different parts of his majesty's him to give bis unqualified assent to dominions, the whole of the naval the address as it stood. The speech force of Europe, and specifically from the throne declared, that it the fleets of Portugal and Denmark. was with the deepest reluctance his if this were really the case, it would majesty had found himself com- be a complete justification of the pelled to resort to the extremity of conduct of this country, not only force against Denmark. Now the in our own eyes, but those of the duke, looking in the most careful whole world. For the moment a manner to the speech, did not pere nation meditates hostility against ceive that it was in the contempla. you, that is to be regarded as a tion of bis majesty's servants to af- declaration of war. But then, to ford to the house any such inform- give effect to this justification, some ation on the subject as should proof of its existence must be adenable them to say that they saw duced. “A hostile disposition," it reason for concurring in a declara. had been said, on the part of the tion that there was a necessity for Danish government towards this the measure.

He was aware it country, had manifested itself for would be said that every species of the last seven years ; and the fact discretion should be observed in of their having acceded to the views exposing matters of such delicacy. of France, was evident from the This principle, and the propriety of immense quantity of stores and acting upon it, in most cases, he ammunition found in their arsenals. was far from disputing ; but he Lord S. asked if it was consistent thought it was carrying the doctrine with human reason, or even with the too far to desire of that House to words of the speech itself, in anexpress their opinionofthe necessity other paragraph, that the court of of a measure of so extreme a nature, Denmark should be in 'amity with without the most distant tittle of France at a time when France was evidence to justify it. His grace carryingonhostilitiesagainst Russia? therefore moved, that the clause re- or if it could be supposed, that bespecting the expedition to the Bal- tween the period of the battle which tic, in the address,should be omitted. preceded the peace of Tilsit, and

The amendment proposed was our attack on Copenhagen, these seconded by lord viscount Side : stores had been collected? Where mouth. The speech referred to then were the demonstrations of the fact of his majesty having hostility manifested on the part of

Denmark

Denmark against this country? been more magnanimous to have Where were her armies? In Hol. attacked the powerful than the stein. Where was her fleet? Lying weak? It was known thatthe minds; in ordinary. Her armies, so far of the inhabitants of Petersburgh from being in hostile movement were favourable to this country. Our against us, were, to the number of fleet, by presenting itself at a proper 20,000 men, encamped in Holstein, time before that capital, might have guarding against the hostile move- gained possession of it, and thus ments of the French. Had they Sweden would have been saved : been in Zealand, we might not so and Denmark, who was as much, easily have been able to congratu

our friend as Russia was our ally, late ourselves on the victory we would have been spared. This mode obtained. Her navy, so far from of warfare his lordship objected to, meditating hostilities against us, was particularly as tending to overturn surprised, the greater part of it, in the lawof nations. It would have been a state of complete disrepair. It more becoming in Great Britain to was said that the French would oppose our honour and good faith, have seized on Holstein, and from to our enemy's mode of warfare. thence might have

easily passed over The earl of Aberdeen defended into Zealand. This, his lordship the expedition to Copenhagen. Of understood, was by no means so the law of nations, self-protection easy as was imagined : such a frost

was a principle. Much had been seldom occurred as to afford a com- said of the extraordinary and unfortable passage from the one place precedented nature of this expedito the other: and even when it did tion; but there was a precedent so happen, the people of Zealand for it in the conduct of the late admight break the ice nearest to their ministration towards Turkey. And own side. And, supposing that the he did not conceive it to be more French might thus have got pos-, probable, that the Turkish fleet session of the Danish navy, what should sail into the English channel use could they have made of it ? than the Danish. What had we to dread from the Lord Grenville said, that from addition of sixteen sail of the line, the commencement of the war in of such ships as those of Denmark ? 1793, down to the termination of Even before the battle of Trafalgar the illustrious administration of the we could have had nothing to dread illustrious Mr. Pitt, in no speech from such an accession of strength from the throne, at the commenceto our enemy, far less now. We ment of a session, were parliament were told that hostile dispositions on called upon to pledge themselves in the part of the northern powers, had support of measures without evibegun to show themselves ever since dence before them of their necessity, the peace of Tilsit. Why then had propriety, or utility. In no case we allowed a Russian fleet sincethat were they called upon to approve time to pass through the Mediterra- of measures before the papers renean,and three sailofthelinebelong- lating to them were produced, ing to Russia to go unmolested, at whereon a judgmentmight be formthe

very same time the Danish fleet ed according to the evidence of the was seized on? Would it not have case; yet, in the present 'instance,

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ministers departing from so salutary application of such a doctrine, una rule, not only called upon parlia- less the imperative circumstances ment to approve of measures which were clearly proved and accurately nothing but absolute necessity could defined. The danger ought to be justify, and respecting the necessity clearly established, and the inability of which not a tittle of evidence had of the neutral state to defend itself. been produced, but had even called With respect to the Danish feet, upon them to applaud other mea. which had been said was in a state sures now, respecting which papers of preparation, was it not natural were to be produced hereafter. when all the powers around her There was on the continent of Eu- were at war, that she should be in rope a great reliance on the integrity a state of preparation ? But if he and justice of the British parlia had not been grossly misinformed, ment; and it looked with anxiety so far from this being the case, the for the decision of this council on greater part of the Danish ships the motives and policy of the expe- were laid up in ordinary. It was dition to Copenhagen. This had contended," that because French alreadymade animpression through- troops occupied Holstein, Zealand out the continent unfavourable to must fall of course, but this was not this country. How much greater at all proved: on the contrary, would that impression be, if par- there were between Holstein and liament should give its decision ap: Zealand two passages of the sea; proving of that expedition ? And the one six, and the other sixteen still more if it should do so, with- miles wide, which a French army out any evidence or information on must cross to invade Zealand, and the subject. Ministers had asserted, where they might be met with effect that there were secret articles in the by British or Danish ships. It treaty of Tilsit affecting the intere might as well be said, that England ests of this country, and the French must be conquered by the French government asserted there were because they occupy the continent pone. Here then was a challenge: of France, there being only a chan. and it was incumbent on ministersneltwenty-one miles broad between to prove that there were such arti. Calais and Dover, as that Zealand cles, but this they had not attempted must fall if Holstein were occupied to do; and in the speech from the by French troops. It had been throne had given up the assertion argued by the noble lord who spoke they had formerly made, of the last, that the expedition to Copenexistence of those secret articles, in hagen had a precedent in that to his majesty's declaration respecting Constantinople. Supposing the ex. Russia. That circumstances might pedition to Constantinople to have exist which would imperatively jus. been an instance of bad faith, how tify such an expedition as that to is that to justify another instance of Copenhagen, was admitted by the bad faith? The fact however was, most approved writers on the law that the expedition to Turkey was of nations. The same writers, how- chiefly in conformity with the treaty ever, stated the dreadful conse- with Russia, and that its object quences that would result from the was not to seize the Turkish fleet,

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but to enforce the execution of trea than those which would tend to the ties.

consummate ruin of our own coloWith regard to the two proposi- nies? In so far as the emigration in tions maintained by ministers, first, question manifested any friendship that we should not enter into a ne- for us, or as it presented a contrast gotiation unless the basis thereof to the conduct of other princes, it should be previously stated; and, certainly formed a grateful subject secondly, that we should not avail for the contemplation of mankind, ourselves of the mediation of any and of congratulation to that house. power not perfectly impartial, or But as to the commercial or politisuspected of partiality to the enemy. cal advantages to be derived from it Lord G. could not conceive any to this country, hecould not consent thing more preposterous.

to delude his countrymen by holdcond proposition was peculiarly un- ing out such ideas. tenable, because we do not accept In reviewing the dreadful cataa mediator as an umpire, but merely logue of evils which surrounded or as a medium of facilitating our com. menaced this country, he believed munication with the enemy. If the that the greatest additional calamity mediator be partial to the enemy, for us, and the greatest advantage what injury can result to us? We for France that could be well imaare not bound by his sentiments, gined, would be a war with Ameand we may avail ourselves of his rica. Such, indeed, was the laninterposition, by rejecting which we guage of ministers themselves. And may provoke him to declare against yet what had been their conduct?

Such precisely had been the Why, at the very time it was most case with respect to Russia. As to material to avoid such a war, they the first proposition there were not absolutely altered the law of the in the whole history of this, or any land to promoteit. Ministers stated, other civilized country, any prece- and in that Lord G. agreed with dents to be found for sustaining it. them, that no difficulty or danger With respect to that topic of the could befal the country equal to speech which related to Portugal, that of acquiescing in the surrender the simple questions were, what we of our maritime rights. If America had lost, and what we had gained put forth such a claim, then a call by the emigration to Portugal? We upon parliament and the country to had lost, as a publication of the ene- resist it would be unanimously anmy had lately stated, two of the swered in the affirmative. But Amemost important ports for us on the rica had not asserted any such claim. whole coast of the continent of Eu- The speech, Lord G. observed, rope, Lisbon and Oporto. And studiously separated the two queswith regard to the transmarine pos- tions involved in our controversy sessions of Portugal, he asked what with America, namely, that of the we had obtained, more than what Chesapeak, and that relating to our we possessed before, by the pre- orders of council. But those quessence of the Prince of Brazil in tions would not be separated in that settlement? How would the America, nor yet in discussion here. Brazils be made more productive In examining the orders of council, for this country, by any other means they were to be considered in three

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