Abraham Lincoln: An EssayHoughton, Mifflin, 1891 - 117 pages |
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Common terms and phrases
Abraham Lincoln administration American anti-slavery ardent armies became Benjamin Wade Black Hawk war cabinet called campaign of 1858 candidate CARL SCHURZ Chase citizen civil coln coln's Compromise of 1850 Congress Constitution convention debate declared defeated Democrats disunion doubt Douglas Douglas's Dred Scott duty election emancipation exclude slavery feeling felt fight force Frémont friends gave grew heart Henry Winter Davis honest Abe Lincoln Illi Illinois judgment Kansas-Nebraska bill knew legislature little giant ment mind Missouri Compro Missouri Compromise moral nature never nois nominated North oath opinion opponents opposition pass patriotic plain political politicians popular sovereignty position President presidential proclamation proslavery quently rebellion reëlection Republican secessionists seldom Senate sentiment Seward slave slavery question soon soul South Southern speech Springfield statesman struggle tall dwarf thought tion true Union cause Union party United vention victorious votes Whig wood turtle
Popular passages
Page 102 - With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive to finish the work we are in...
Page 41 - I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South.
Page 49 - Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State constitution?
Page 100 - But the rebellion continues, and now that the election is over, may not all having a common interest reunite in a common effort to save our common country? For my own part, I have striven and shall strive to avoid placing any obstacle in the way. So long as I have been here I have not willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom.
Page 46 - I have said that I do not understand the Declaration to mean that all men were created equal in all respects. They are not our equal in color; but I suppose that it does mean to declare that all men are equal in some respects; they are equal in their right to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
Page 109 - Must a government of necessity be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too -weak to maintain its own existence?
Page 93 - States, and afterwards engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof; that I will faithfully support the Constitution and obey the laws of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, encourage others so to do, so help me God.
Page 79 - It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it my view that I might take an oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power.
Page 100 - So long as I have been here I have not willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom. While I am deeply sensible to the high compliment of a re-election; and duly grateful, as I trust, to Almighty God for having directed my countrymen to a right conclusion, as I think, for their own good, it adds nothing to my satisfaction that any other man may be disappointed or pained by the result.
Page 50 - I am after larger game," said he. "If Douglas so answers, he can never be President, and the battle of 1860 is worth a hundred of this." The interrogatory was pressed upon Douglas, and Douglas did answer that, no matter what the decision of the Supreme Court might be on the abstract question, the people of a Territory had the lawful means to introduce or exclude slavery by territorial legislation friendly or unfriendly to the institution. Lincoln found it easy to show the absurdity of the proposition...