offer, which was silently acquiesced in by the other | eight men, embarked on board of their own row members. The Black Republican members of this Committee of Thirteen are representative men of the party and section, and, to the extent of my information, truly represent them. The Committee of Thirty-three on Friday adjourned for a week, without coming to any vote, after solemnly pledging themselves to vote on all the propositions then before them on that day. It is controlled by the Black Republicans, your enemies, who only seek to amuse you with delusive hope until your election, that you may defeat the friends of secession. If you are deceived by them, it shall not be my fault. I have put the test fairly and frankly. It is decisive against you now. I tell you, upon the faith of a true man, that all further looking to the North for security for your constitutional rights in the Union ought to be instantly abandoned. It is fraught with nothing but ruin to yourselves and your posterity. Secession by the 4th day of March next should be thundered from the ballot-box by the unanimous vote of Georgia on the 2d day of January next. Such a voice will be your best guarantee for liberty, security, tranquillity, and glory. R. TOOMES. Doc. 6.-LETTER OF SOUTH CAROLINA CONGRESSMEN TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. SIR: We avail ourselves of the earliest opportunity since the official communication of the intelligence, of making known to your honorable body that the people of the State of South Carolina, in their sovereign capacity, have resumed the powers heretofore delegated by them to the Federal Government of the United States, and have thereby dissolved our connection with the House of Representatives. In taking leave of those with whom we have been associated in a common agency, we, as well as the people of our Commonwealth, desire to do so with a feeling of mutual regard and respect for each other-cherishing the hope that in our future relations we may better enjoy that peace and harmony essential to the happiness of a free and enlightened people. Dec. 24. JOHN MCQUEEN, M. L. BONHAM, W. W. BOYCE, J. D. ASHMORE, To the SPEAKER of the House of Representatives. Doc. 7.-EVACUATION OF FORT MOULTRIE. It was given out yesterday at Fort Moultrie, on Sullivan's Island, that an attack was expected to be made upon it by the people of this city, and that therefore it would be necessary to remove the wives and children of the men to a more secure place. Accordingly three schooners were engaged, which hauled up to the Fort wharf and loaded with what was supposed by the few persons resident on the island, to be the bedding and furniture of the men's families. It was given out that these vessels were to land their passengers and their goods at Fort Johnson, on James Island; and they hoisted sail and apparently steered for that point. On last night, at about half-past nine o'clock, the entire force, with the exception of about six or boats, and proceeded to Fort Sumter, which they garrisoned at once, and where they met the persona who had left in the schooners, with many munitions of war which they had surreptitiously taken from Fort Moultrie. The few men left at the fortification last night, under the command of Captain Foster, as soon as the evacuation had taken place, at once commenced the spiking of the guns, the cutting down of the flag-staff, and the burning of the gun carriages, the smoke of which could be seen this morning from our wharves. Fort Moultrie in a mutilated state, with useless guns, and flames rising in different portions of it, will stand to show the cowardly conduct of the officers who had charge of it, and who in times of peace basely deserted their post and attempted to destroy a fortification which is surrounded with so many historical reminiscences that the arm of the base scoundrel who would have ruined it should have dropped from its socket. The schooners, we are informed, although pretending to sail for Fort Johnson, stood off and on until nightfall when they put into the wharf at Fort Sumter. We feel an anxiety to know the names of these vessels and their captains, and shall endeavor to find them out. About half-past seven o'clock last evening two heavy discharges from Fort Moultrie, were heard in the city, and was the object of considerable talk, and the news of this morning satisfied us that it must have been the signal of the debarkation of the troops.-Charleston News, Dec. 27. Doc. 8.-FORTS SUMTER AND MOULTRIE. "In order to ascertain truthful statements of the actual damage done to the forts, of the causes of the movement, and of the state of affairs generally, reporters were despatched to the scene during the forenoon. On the way across the harbor, the hoisting of the American flag from the staff of Fort Sumter, at precisely 12 o'clock, gave certain indication that the stronghold was occupied by the troops of the United States. On a nearer approach the fortress was discovered to be occupied, the guns appeared to be mounted, and sentinels were discovcred on duty, and the place to give every sign of occupancy and military discipline. The grim fortress frowned defiance on every side; the busy notes of preparation resounded through its unforbidding recesses, and everything seemed to indicate the utmost alacrity in the work on hand. "Turning towards Fort Moultrie, a dense cloud of smoke was seen to pour from the end facing the sea. The flagstaff was down, and the whole place had an air of desolation and abandonment quite the reverse of its busy look one week ago, when scores of laborers were engaged in adding to its strength all the works skill and experience could suggest, "In the immediate vicinity of the rear or landside entrance, however, greater activity was notice able. At the time of our visit, a large force of hands had been summoned to deliver up their im plements for transportation to Fort Sumter. Around on every side were the evidences of labor in the fortification of the work. In many places, a portion of the defences were strengthened by every appliance that art could suggest or ingenuity de We could not bu vise; while, in others, the uncompleted works gave a prouder beating of the heart. evidences of the utmost confusion. On all hands feel once more that we had a country—a fact which the process of removing goods, furniture, and mu-has been to a certain degree in suspense for some nitions was yet going on. The heavy guns upon weeks past. What is given up for the moment is the ramparts of the fort were thrown down from of no consequence, provided the one point stands their carriages and spiked. Every ounce of powder out clear, that the United States means to maintain and every cartridge had been removed from the its position, where its rights exist, and that its offimagazines; and, in fact, every thing like small | cers, civil and military, intend to discharge their duty. arms, clothing, provisions, accoutrements, and The concentration of the disposable force in Charlesother munitions of war had been removed off and ton harbor in a defensible post, is thus a bond of deposited-nothing but heavy balls and useless union. It is a decisive act, calculated to rally the cannon remained. national heart. * We are not disposed to allow the Union to be broken up for grievances of South Carolina, which might be settled within the Union; and if there is to be any fighting, we prefer it within, rather than without. The abandonment of Fort Moultrie was obviously a necessary act, in order to carry into effect the purpose contemplated with such an inferior force as that under the com "The entire place was, to all appearances, littered up with the odds, ends, and fragments of war's desolation. Confusion could not have been more complete had the late occupants retired in the face of a besieging foe. Fragments of gun carriages, &c., broken to pieces, bestrewed the ramparts. Sand bags, and barrels filled with earth, crowned the walls, and were firmly imbedded in their bomb-mand of Major Anderson.-Boston Courier. proof surface, as an additional safeguard-and notwithstanding the heterogeneous scattering of materials and implements, the walls of the fort evinced a vague degree of energy in preparing for an attack. A ditch some fifteen feet wide and about the same in depth surrounds the entire wall on three sides. On the south side, or front, a glacis has been commenced and prosecuted nearly to completion, with a rampart of sand bags, barrels, &c. "On one side of the fort a palisade of Palmetto logs is extended around the ramparts as a complete defence against an escalading party. New embrasures have been cnt in the walls so as to command the faces of the bastion and ditch. These new defences are all incomplete, and are evidence of the haste with which they were erected. Considering the inferior force, in point of numbers, under his command, Major Anderson had paid particular attention to strengthening only a small part of the fort. "A greater portion of the labor expended was spent upon the citadel or centre of the west point of the position. This he had caused to be strengthened in every way; loop-holes were cut and every thing was so arranged that in case a well-concerted attack was made, he would have retired from the outer bastions to the citadel, and afterwards blow up the other portions of the fort. For this purpose mines had already been sprung, and trains had been laid ready for the application of the match. The barrack rooms and every other part of the fort that was indefensible would have gone at a touch. If anybody ever doubted Major Anderson's eminent military capacity, that doubt must be dispelled by the news that we publish in another column. Of his own accord, without orders from Washington, but acting on the discretion which an officer in an independent command always possesses. Major Anderson, commander of the defences of Charleston harbor, transports his troops to the key of his position, Fort Sumter, against which no gun can be laid which is not itself commanded by a 10-inch columbiad in the embrasures of that octagon citadel. This rapid, unexpected manoeuvre has disconcerted treason, and received the highest military commendation in the country. Brave Major of Artillery, true servant of your country, soldier of penetrating and far-seeing genius, when the right is endangered by fraud or force, at the proper time the needed man is always provided. The spirit of the age provides him, and he always regards the emergency. WASHINGTON, GARIBALDI, ANDERSON.-Boston Atlas and Bee. The announcement of the evacuation of Fort Moultrie and the occupation of Fort Sumter, was received with various expressions of opinion; but the predominant one was a feeling of admiration for the determined conduct and military skill of Col. ANDERSON in abandoning an indefensible position, and, by a strategetic coup de main which has reversed the whole position of affairs, transferring his force to Fort Sumter, the strongest of the Charles ANDERSON is believed to have acted in this matter without special orders, but as he has charge of all the forts, the disposition of the force under his command is a matter in regard to which he may be supposed to have full authority.— Baltimore American. "On the ramparts of the fort fronting Fort Sum-ton fortifications, and the key of its defences. Col. ter, were nine eight-inch columbiads, mounted on wooden carriages. As soon as the evacuation of the fort was complete, the carriages of these guns were fired, and at the time of visiting the fort yesterday, were nearly consumed, and the guns thereby dismounted. These guns, as well as those constituting the entire armament of the fortress, were spiked before it was abandoned. This is the only damage done the fortification, further than cutting down the flagstaff, and the breaking up of ammunition wagons to form ramparts on the walls of the fort."-Charleston Courier, Dec. 28. Doc. 9.-MAJOR ANDERSON'S MOVEMENT. We must own that the news of the transaction in Charleston harbor was learned by us yesterday with Concerning the object of the movement of Major ANDERSON, we can, as at present informed, say little. But whether he acted in pursuance of orders from head-quarters, or consulted merely his own judgment, the step he has taken must be conceded to have been a wise and prudent one. He could not, with the force under his command, have defended both Fort Moultrie and Fort Sumter; and by retiring to the one which is not only the strongest in itself, but is the key of the position, he has rendered an attack upon his post less probable than it was before, and has placed himself in a better general Holt to administer the affairs of the Desituation to resist it.-Baltimore Exchange. partment until your successor shall be appointed. Yours, very respectfully, JAMES BUCHANAN. Doc. 10.-SECRETARY FLOYD TO THE PRE SIDENT. WAR DEPARTMENT, Dec. 29, 1860. SIR: On the morning of the 27th inst. I read the following paper to you in the presence of the Cabinet: COUNSEL CHAMBER, EXECUTIVE MANSION, SIR: It is evident now from the action of the Commander of Fort Moultrie, that the solemn pledges of the Government have been violated by Major Anderson. In my judgment but one remedy is now left us by which to vindicate our honor and prevent civil war. It is in vain now to hope for confidence on the part of the people of South Carolina in any further pledges as to the action of the military. One remedy is left, and that is to withdraw the garrison from the harbor of Charleston. I hope the President will allow me to make that order at once. This order, in my judgment, can alone prevent bloodshed and civil war. (Signed.) JOHN B. FLOYD, I then considered the honor of the Administration pledged to maintain the troops in the position they occupied, for such had been the assurances given to the gentlemen of South Carolina who had a right to speak for her. South Carolina, on the other hand, gave reciprocal pledges that no force should be brought by them against the troops or against the property of the United States. The sole object of both parties in these reciprocal pledges was to prevent a collision and the effusion of blood, in the hope that some means might be found for a peaceful accommodation of the existing troubles, the two Houses of Congress having both raised Committees looking to that object. Thus affairs stood until the action of Major Anderson, taken unfortunately while the Commissioners were on their way to this capital on a peaceful mission looking to the avoidance of bloodshed, has complicated matters in the existing manner. Our refusal or even delay to place affairs back as they stood under our agreement, invites a collision and must inevitably inaugurate civil war. I cannot consent to be the agent of such calamity. I deeply regret that I feel myself under the necessity of tendering to you my resignation as Secretary of War, because I can no longer hold it under my convictions of patriotism, ror with honor, subjected as I am to a violation of solemn pledges and plighted faith. With the highest personal regard, I am most truly yours, To His Excellency the PRESIDENT of the United States. THE PRESIDENT'S REPLY. WASHINGTON, Dec. 31, 1860. MY DEAR SIR: I have received and accepted your resignation of the office of Secretary of War; and not wishing to impose upon you the task of performing its mere routine duties, which you have so kindly offered to do, I have authorized Postmaster Hon. JOHN B. FLOYD. Doc. 11.-GENERAL WOOL'S LETTERS TO A TROY, December 31, 1860. MY DEAR SIR:-South Carolina, after twentyseven years-Mr. Rhett says thirty years-of conher to secede, has declared herself out of the Union; stant and increasing efforts by her leaders to induce and this, too, without the slightest wrong or injustice done her people on the part of the government of the United States. Although she may have seized the revenue cutter, raised her treasonable Palmetto flag over the United States Arsenal, the Custom-house, Post-office, Castle Pinckney, and Fort Moultrie, she is not out of the Union, nor beyond the pale of the United States. Before she can get out of their jurisdiction or control, a re-construction of the constitution must be had or civil war ensue. In the latter case it would require no prophet to foretell the result. It is reported that Mr. Buchanan has received informally the Commissioners appointed by the rebels of South Carolina to negotiate for the public property in the harbor of Charleston, and for other purposes. It is also reported that the President disapproved of the conduct of Major Anderson, who, being satisfied that he would not be able to defend Fort Moultrie with the few men under his command, wisely took possession of Fort Sumter, where he could protect himself and the country from the disgrace which might have occurred, if he had remained in Fort Moultrie. Being the commander in the harbor, he had the right to occupy Fort Sumter, an act which the safety of the Union as well as his own honor demanded. It is likewise stated that apprehensions are entertained that Major Anderson will be required to abandon Fort Sumter and re-occupy Fort Moultrie. There can be no foundation for such apprehensions; for surely the President would not surrender the citadel of the harbor of Charleston to rebels. Fort Sumter commands the entrance, and in a few hours could demolish Fort Moultric. So long as the United States keeps possession of this fort, the independence of South Carolina will only be in name and not in fact. If, however, it should be surrendered to South Carolina, which I do not apprehend, the smothered indignation of the free states would be roused beyond control. It would not be in the power of any one to restrain it. In twenty days two hundred thousand men would be in readiness to take vengeance on all who would betray the Union into the hands of its enemies. Be assured that I do not exaggerate the feelings of the people. They are already sufficiently excited at the attempt to dissolve the Union, for no other reason than that they constitutionally exercised the most precious right conferred on them, of voting for the person whom they considered the most worthy and best qualified to fill the office of President. Fort Sumter therefore ought not, and I presume will not, be delivered over to South Carolina. I am not, however, pleading for the free States, for they are not in danger, but for the Union and the preservation of the cotton States. Those who | In conclusion, I would avoid the bloody and desolating example of the Mexican States. I am now, and forever, in favor of the Union, its preservation, and the rigid maintenance of the rights and interests of the States, individually as well as collectively. Yours, &c., JOHN E. WOOL. GENERAL WOOL ΤΟ GENERAL CASS, BEFORE THE [Private.] TROY, Dec. 6, 1860. MY DEAR GENERAL: Old associations and former friendship induce me to venture to address to you a few words on the state of the country. My letter is headed "private," because I am not authorized to address you officially. I have read with pleasure the President's Message. South Carolina says she intends to leave the Union. Her representatives in Congress say she has already left the Union. It would seem that she is neither to be conciliated nor comforted. I command the Eastern Department, which includes South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, and Mississippi. You know me well. I have ever been a firm, decided, faithful, and devoted friend of my country. If I can aid the President to preserve the Union I hope he will command my services. It will never do for him or you to leave Washington without every star in this Union is in its place. Therefore, no time should be lost in adopting measures to defeat those who are conspiring against the Union. Hesitancy or delay may be no less fatal to the Union than to the President or your own high standing as a statesman. It seems to me that troops should be sent to Charleston to man the forts in that harbor. You have eight companies at Fort Monroe, Va. Three or four of these companies should be sent, without a moment's delay, to Fort Moultrie. It will save the Uion and the President much trouble. It is said Doc.-12 that to send at this time troops to that harbor would produce great excitement among the people. That is nonsense, when the people are as much excited as they can be, and the leaders are determined to execute their long meditated purpose of separating the state from the Union. So long as you command the entrance to the city of Charleston, South Carolina cannot separate herself from the Union. Do not leave the forts in the harbor in a condition to induce an attempt to take possession of them. It might easily be done at this time. If South Carolina should take them it might, as she anticipates, induce other states to join her. Permit me to entreat you to urge the President to send at once three or four companies of artillery to Fort Moultrie. The Union can be preserved, but it requires firm, decided, prompt and energetic measures on the part of the President. He has only to exert the power conferred on him by the Constitution and laws of Congress, and all will be safe, and he will prevent a civil war, which never fails to call forth all the baser passions of the human heart. If a separation should take place, you may rest assured blood would flow in torrents, followed by pestilence, famine, and desolation, and Senator Seward's irrepressible conflict will be brought to a conclusion much sooner than he could possibly have anticipated. Let me conjure you to save the Union, and thereby avoid the bloody and desolating example of the states of Mexico. A separation of the States will bring with it the desolation of the cotton States, which are unprepared for war. Their weakness will be found in the number of their slaves, with but few of the essentials to carry on war, whilst the free States will have all the elements and materials for war, and to a greater extent than any other people on the face of the globe. Think of these things, my dear General, and save the country, and save the prosperous South from pestilence, famine, and desolation. Peaceable secession is not to be thought of. Even if it should take place, in three months we would have a bloody war on our hands. Very truly your friend, JoHN E. WOOL. Hon. LEWIS CASS, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. Doc. 12.-THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN WASHINGTON, Dec. 29, 1860. SIR: We have the honor to transmit to you a copy of the full powers from the Convention of the people of South Carolina, under which we are "authorized and empowered to treat with the Government of the United States for the delivery of the forts, magazines, light-houses, and other real estate, with their appurtenances, in the limits of South Carolina; and also for an apportionment of the public debt, and for a division of all other property held by the Government of the United States, as agent of the Confederated States, of which South Carolina was recently a member, and generally to negotiate as to all other measures and arrangements proper to be made and adopted in the existing relation of the parties, and for the continuance of peace and amity between this Commonwealth and the Government at Washington." In the execution of this trust it is our duty to furnish you, as we now do, with an official copy of the Ordinance of Secession, by which the State of South Carolina has resumed the powers she delegated to the Government of the United States, and has declared her perfect sovereignty and independence. It would also have been our duty to have informed you that we were ready to negotiate with you upon all such questions as are necessarily raised by the adoption of this Ordinance, and that we were prepared to enter upon this negotiation, with the earnest desire to avoid all unnecessary and hostile collision, and so to inaugurate our new relations as to secure mutual respect, general advantage, and a future of good will and harmony, beneficial to all the parties concerned. But the events of the last twenty-four hours render such an assurance impossible. We came here the representatives of an authority which could, at any time within the past sixty days, have taken possession of the forts in Charleston harbor, but which, upon pledges given in a manner that we cannot doubt, determined to trust to your honor rather than to its own power. Since our arrival here an officer of the United States, acting as we are assured, not only without, but against your orders, has dismantled one fort and occupied another-thus altering to a most important extent, the condition of affairs under which we came. what shall be the relations between the Federal Government and South Carolina. He has been invested with no such discretion. He possesses no power to change the relations hitherto existing between them, much less to acknowledge the independence of that State. This would be to invest a mere executive officer with the power of recogniz ing the dissolution of the Confederacy among our thirty-three sovereign States. It bears no resemblance to the recognition of a foreign de facto government-involving no such responsibility. Any attempt to do this would, on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the whole question in all its bearings. Such is my opinion still. I could, therefore, meet you only as private gentlemen of the highest character, and was entirely willing to communicate to Congress any proposition you might have to make to that body upon the subject. Of this you were well aware. It was my earnest desire that such a disposition might be made of the whole subject by Congress, who alone possess the power, as to prevent the inauguration of a civil war between the parties in regard to the possession of the Federal forts in the harbor of Charleston; and I, therefore, deeply regret that, in your opinion, "the events of the last twenty-four hours render this impossible." In con clusion, you urge upon me "the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of Charleston," stating that "under present circumstances they are a standing menace, which renders negotiation impossible, and, as our recent experience shows, threaten speedily to bring to a bloody issue questions which ought to be settled with temperance and Until these circumstances are explained in a man ner which relieves us of all doubt as to the spirit in which these negotiations shall be conducted, we are forced to suspend all discussion as to any arrangement by which our mutual interests may be amica-judgment." bly adjusted. And, in conclusion, we would urge upon you the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of Charleston. Under present circumstances, they are a standing menace which renders negotiation impossible, and, as our recent experience shows, threatens speedily to bring to a bloody issue questions which ought to be settled with temperance and judgment. We have the honor to be, Very respectfully, your obedient servants, J. H. ADAMS, JAS. L. ORR, } Commissioners. To the PRESIDENT of the United States. THE PRESIDENT'S REPLY. WASHINGTON CITY, Dec. 80, 1860. GENTLEMEN: I have had the honor to receive your communication of 28th inst., together with a copy of "your full powers from the Convention of the people of South Carolina," authorizing you to treat with the Government of the United States, on various important subjects therein mentioned, and also a copy of the Ordinance, bearing date on the 20th inst., declaring that "the Union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved." The reason for this change in your position is, that since your arrival in Washington, "an officer of the United States acting, as we (you) are assured, not only without, but against your (my) orders, has dismantled one fort and occupied another-thus altering to a most important extent the condition of affairs under which we (you) came." You also allege that you came here "the representatives of an authority which could, at any time within the past sixty days, have taken possession of the forts in Charleston harbor, but which, upon pledges given in a manner that we (you) cannot doubt, determined to trust to your (my) honor rather than to its power." This brings me to a consideration of the nature of those alleged pledges, and in what manner they have been observed. In my Message of the 3d of December last, I stated, in regard to the property of the United States in South Carolina, that it "has been purchased for a fair equivalent, by the consent of the Legislature of the State, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, &c., and over these the authority to exercise exclusive legislation,' has been expressly granted by the Constitution to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States from this property by force; but if in this I should prove to be mistaken, the of ficer in command of the forts has received orders to act strictly on the defensive. In such a contingency, the responsibility for consequences would In answer to this communication, I have to say rightfully rest upon the heads of the assailants." that my position as President of the United States This being the condition of the parties, on Saturday, was clearly defined in the message to Congress, on 8th December, four of the Representatives from the 3d inst. In that I stated that, "apart from the South Carolina, called upon me, and requested an execution of the laws, so far as this may be prac-interview. We had an earnest conversation on the ticable, the Executive has no authority to decide | subject of these forts, and the best means of pre |