Most of our journals lately parading the pranks of the Secessionists with scarcely disguised exultation, have been suddenly sobered by the culmination of the slaveholding conspiracy. They would evidently like to justify and encourage the traitors further, but they dare not; so the Amen sticks in their throat. The aspect of the people appals them. Democrat as well as Republican, Conservative and Radical, instinctively feel that the guns fired at Sumter were aimed at the heart of the American Republic. Not even in the lowest groggery of our city would it be safe to propose cheers for Beauregard and Gov. Pickens. The Tories of the Revolution were relatively ten times as numerous here as are the open sympathizers with the Palmetto Rebels. It is hard to lose Sumter; it is a consolation to know that in losing it we have gained a united people. Henceforth, the loyal States are a unit in uncompromising hostility to treason, whereever plotted, however justified. Fort Sumter is temporarily lost, but the country is saved. Live the Republic! of this sort, there can be but two parties-a Northern and a Southern party; for all other parties will cease to exist. The political principles, organizations and issues which have divided our country and our people, in various shapes and forms, since the treaty of our independence with England, will all be very soon overwhelmed in the sweeping changes of a civil war. It would be folly now to argue what might, could, would, or should, have been done by Southern fire-eaters and Northern disorganizers in 1854, 1860, or by Mr. Buchanan, or by Mr. Lincoln, or by the late session of Congress. Civil war is upon us, and the questions which now supersede all others are: What are the consequences now before us? Where is this war to end? and how and when? What is our duty under this warlike condition of things? and what are the movements and the conditions necessary to change this state of war to a state of peace? These questions will irresistibly impress themselves upon the mind of every thinking man, north and south. Earnestly laboring in behalf of peace, from the beginning of these sectional troubles down to this day, and for the maintenance of the Union through mutual concessions, we do not even yet utterly despair of arresting this civil war before it shall have passed beyond the reach of reason. -N. Y. Herald. The "irrepressible conflict" started by Mr. Seward, and endorsed by the Republican party, has at length attained to its logical, foreseen result. That conflict, undertaken "for the sake of humanity," culminates now in inhumanity itself, and exhibits the afflicting spectacle of brother shedding brother's blood. flushed with the power and patronage of the FedRefusing the ballot before the bullet, these men, eral Government, have madly rushed into a civil war, which will probably drive the remaining Slave States into the arms of the Southern Confederacy, and dash to pieces the last hope for a reconstruction of the Union. No blame is imputed to Major Anderson by the Administration, and no whisper affecting his fidelity and loyalty is tolerated. He acted upon a necessity contemplated by his orders, which was to yield the fort in case he should be encompassed by an overwhelming force, or reduced to an extremity by the want of provisions. According to information which reached here recently, his supplies were expected to be exhausted last Tuesday, and hence the extraordinary efforts which were made here to recruit his enfeebled garrison. Major Anderson himself endeavored to get rid of the laborers who had been employed in the fort, for the purpose of restricting the consumption to his actual military command; but the State authorities refused to permit their departure, and these additional mouths were thus imposed upon his limited stock of provisions. In view of the threatened contingency, an attempt was made to communicate with him on the 4th inst., conveying discretion to abandon the fort, if, in his judgment, it could not be held until supplies could be forwarded. But that and other despatches were intercepted, which put the Secessionists in full possession of the exact circumstances of his condition, and enabled General Beauregard to time his operations, as they were subsequently developed. Then the order cutting off his purchases in the Charleston market was made. The despatch which Lieutenant Talbot took down re-blooded, heartless demagogues, who started this peated this discretion, but also announced to him that a vessel with supplies, supported by several ships of war, would be sent to his relief. That despatch could not be delivered, and its general character was anticipated by the instructions of the government, which had been feloniously appropriated before. It will thus be seen, that the Revolutionists were fully informed, not only of the state of the garrison, but of the policy of the government in every essential particular. With their immense force, and numerous batteries, and considering that the storm had dispersed the fleet which had been sent to Major Anderson's relief, or, at least prevented their co-operation, the result is not surprising. -New York Tribune. the flag of their country within the walls of Fort To the gallant men, who are so nobly defending Sumter, the nation owes a debt of eternal gratitude spirits, who, in like obedience to the demands of -not less than to the equally gallant and patriotic duty, are perilling their lives and shedding their blood in the heroic, but, as yet, unsuccessful endeavor to afford them succor. But, to the cold civil war-themselves magnanimously keeping out of the reach of bodily harm-we can only say, you must find your account, if not at the hands of an indignant people, then in the tears of widows and orphans. The people of the United States, it must be borne in mind, petitioned, begged and implored these men, who are become their accidental masters, to give them an opportunity to be heard, before this unnatural strife was pushed to a bloody extreme, but their petitions were all spurned with contempt, and now the bullet comes in to decide -N. Y. Express. the issue! The curtain has fallen upon the first act of the great tragedy of the age. Fort Sumter has been At all events, the reduction of Fort Sumter and surrendered, and the stars and stripes of the Amerthis manifesto of President Lincoln are equivalent ican Republic give place to the felon flag of the to a declaration of war on both sides, between the Southern Confederates. The defence of the fortConfederate and the United States. In a conflictress did honor to the gallant commander by whom had not insisted upon the utter humiliation of the Government, and since the Secretary of War of the Southern Confederacy has threatened to capture Washington, and even to invade the Northern States, while a formal declaration of hostilities is about to be made by the Confederate Congress, we should be wanting in every element of manhood, be perpetually disgraced in the eyes of the world, and lose all self-respect, if we did not arouse to determined action to re-assert the outraged dignity of the nation. -Phila. Press. it was held, and vindicated the Government under which he served. Judging from the result, it does not seem to have been the purpose of the Government to do any thing more. The armed ships which accompanied the supplies took no part in the contest. Whatever may have been the reason for it, their silence was probably fortunate. They could scarcely have forced their way through the heavy batteries which lined the coast, nor could their participation in the fight have changed the result. The preparations of the enemy were too complete, and their forces too numerous, to warrant any hope of success with the number of guns at our command. Were the Confederate States now a foreign foe, The fort was bravely defended. It has fallen with- and we had declared war against them, with the out loss of life-the ships are on the spot to enforce status of Sumter as it was in the present case, we the blockade of Charleston harbor-Fort Pickens, should regard them as the veriest fools and cowaccording to a despatch from Montgomery, hasards, had they failed to make the attack before realready been reinforced-and every thing is ready inforcements could arrive, and so to secure the for unrolling the next and the far more terrible advantages of their position. And by this estimate scene of this great drama. they must be judged in this thing. For although the administration at Washington does not regard them as a foreign foe, yet the Confederate States constitute a nation, with its independence declared, and therefore they regard the United States as a foreign foe. In the attack upon Sumter they have done just what the United States would have done with respect to England at the opening of the Revolutionary war; just what any nation would do under the same circumstances. And in fact they have done that thing, which, had they not done, they would have been the subject of scoff and ridicule up and down the whole gamut of Black Republican insolence. The questions which now arise are all with respect to the future. The inflamed and warlike spirit accredited to the Northern cities and free States generally, must not be taken into the account, or we shall plunge into a prolonged, sanguinary, and indecisive conflict, in which the border States will soon become the "dark and bloody ground." A war of conquest and subjugation against the Southern Confederacy, will termi The Government of the United States is prepared to meet this great emergency, with the energy and courage which the occasion requires, and which the sentiment of the nation demands. The President issues his proclamation to-day, convening Congress for the 4th of July, and calling for seventy five thousand volunteers for the defence of the Union, and the protection of the rights and the liberties of the American people. The people will respond to this demand with alacrity and exultation. They ask nothing better than to be allowed to fight for the Constitution which their fathers framed. Whatever may have been their political differences, there has never been a moment when they were not ready to sink them all in devotion to their common country, and in defence of their common flag. The President's proclamation will be hailed with an enthusiasm which no event of the last twenty years has called forth-with a high-hearted determination to exterminate treason, which will carry terror into the hearts of the Confederates, who have conspired for the destruction of the freest and best govern-nate in inevitable disaster, whatever may be the acment the world has ever seen. -N. Y. Times. tual termination of the strife. Such a war must The spirit which has been manifested since the begin, as it has really been anticipated, by a posiassault upon Fort Sumter commenced shows that Washington to reduce the Southern States to polititive purpose on the part of the administration at the anomaly we have too long witnessed, of peace cal inequality in the Union. Consequently, the upon one side, and war upon the other, will very alternative of submission to this administration at speedily be destroyed. Henceforth we shall no longer strive to see how little we can do to strength- the recognition of a power which has avowed an any time, includes assent to political inequality, and en forts, to maintain armies, to fit out fleets, to enforce the laws, and protect the honor of the nation, Whatever successes may attend the United States, "irrepressible conflict" with Southern institutions. but how much. We will no longer seek to tie the therefore, as against the Confederate States, the hands of the Government-to cripple its powers-end must be the recognition of independence of the to unman and degrade it-to strengthen and encourage treason, and to dishearten and humiliate loyalty. The issue is now made up-either this great Republic or its desperate adversaries must be overthrown; and may God defend the right! Henceforth each man, high and low, must take his position as a patriot or a traitor-as a foe or a friend of his country-as a supporter of the flag of the stars and stripes or of the rebel banner. The contest which is impending will doubtless be attended with many horrors; but all the facts show that it has been forced upon us as a last resort; and war is not the worst of evils. Since the startling events of the last five months have been succeeded by a brutal bombardment of a fort erected at vast expense for the defence of Charleston harbor, which would have been peaceably evacuated if the rebels Doc.-15 latter, or the holding them by military power. In the latter case all union is at an end; peace and harmony will be unattainable; and the utter prostration of all business will continue indefinitely. On of the Confederate States will at once end the the other hand, the recognition of the independence strife, restore public confidence, and relieve the enterprises of industry and capital from the embarrassment which now hinders their prosperity, and must in the end overwhelm them with calamity. --Baltimore Sun. Doc. 53. THE FIRST DEFEAT OF THE REBELS. Ir is evident that General Scott has once more beaten the enemies of his country by mere force of his admirable stratagetical genius. To do so, he | own garrison a needed supply of food. They re has, as was necessary, suffered not only traitors, but loyal men, to rest under a misapprehension. Those who remember the impatience with which the American public watched his apparent inaction at one period of the Mexican war, will not have forgotten the shout of admiration which went up from the people, when it was at last discovered that the supposed inaction had been in reality the wisest and shrewdest action; and that by the most masterly display of military strategy he had outwitted the enemy, and obtained a splendid victory, when nought but defeat and disaster stared our army in the face. fused, and-fearing the arrival of the Federal fleet -drunk and besotted with treason, and impatient to shed the blood of loyal soldiers, they made the attack. Scarce had they begun when they saw, with evident terror, ships hovering about the harbor's mouth; they plied their cannon in desperate haste; but no ship came in to Anderson's help. What was the matter? Made bold by the furious thirst for blood, they dared the ships to come in. But no ship offered its assistance to Anderson. More, the guns of Sumter were only directed at the works of the He who reads and compares carefully the de- traitors, and Major Anderson evidently tried to spatches from Charleston, Montgomery, and Wash-fire in such a manner as not to kill men. He did ington, in this morning's journals, can not avoid not even try a few bombs on the city, though it is the gratifying conclusion that that which looks at certain, from a letter of one of his own officers, first blush like a disaster to the government, is in that his guns would reach beyond the centre of reality but the successful carrying out of an admira- Charleston. ble plan of military operations. Before this, the traitors see themselves caught in the toils. In fact, it seems to have sickened the chief traitor, Davis, already; for Montgomery despatches relate that when the news from Charleston came, and the mob serenaded Davis and Walker, "the former was not well and did not appear;" and even his secretary was costive of words, and "declined to make a speech." The facts which tend to the conclusion we have pointed out, may be summed up as follows: General Scott has been averse to the attempt to reenforce Fort Sumter. He saw that it would cost men and vessels, which the Government could not spare just now. As an able general, he saw that Sumter and Charleston were points of no military importance, and would only need valuable men to hold, if we took them-with no adequate advantage gained. He saw that the two keys of the position were Fort Pickens in the Gulf, and Washington, the capital. He knew that Davis had not generalship to perceive that on the 4th of March, and for some weeks afterward, it would have been almost impossible for the Federal Government to defend Washington against such a force as the traitors had already collected before Sumter, and which could be marched at any time on a capital not yet prepared for defence-not yet even purged of traitors. His plans, based on these facts, were at once laid. By every means in his power, he concentrated the attention of traitors and loyal men on Sumter. He must have seen with infinite satisfac tion the daily increasing force gathered at Charleston, while the Government lost no time in strengthening the capital. Every hour the traitors spent before Sumter gave them only more surely into the hands of their master. To make assurance doubly sure, he pretended to leave Fort Pickens in the lurch. It was said to be in danger, when Scott knew that a formidable force was investing it. Men feared that all would be lost by the inaction of the Government, when it was never more shrewdly energetic. At last Washington was reasonably safe. Forces were gathered. Once more our brave old General saw himselt with means in his hands. Then came the armament, popularly believed to be destined for Sumter. The Government said not a word-only asked of the traitors the opportunity to send its What was the matter? Beauregard must have thought the Government officers both fools and cowards. When his own boats were sailing unharmed about the harbor, between Sumter and Moultrie, bearing his orders, was it possible that the forces outside could stand apathetic, while a brave garrison was being done to death? When the battle was to the death, would a shrewd officer neglect to divert his enemy's attention by firing his city? If it seemed mysterious to us, waiting on Saturday with breathless suspense, it must have seemed incomprehensible to any cool head in the traitor camp. Still no ships came in-and, in fact, the reports state that only three or four small vessels remained in the offing. After forty hours' cannonade, in which not one man is killed, Major Anderson, an officer of undoubted courage and honor, runs up a white flag, surrenders the fort, and becomes the guest of General Beauregard. Let no man hastily cry traitor! He only obeyed his orders. He made an honorable defence. He took care to shed no blood. He "gave orders not to sight men, but to silence batteries." Meantime, while the rebels are ignorantly glorifying the victory of five thousand men over eighty, what news comes from Montgomery? The telegraph in the hands of the rebels says: "Fort Pickens was reënforced last night." "It is understood that Charleston harbor is blockaded." Despatches from Lieut. Slemmer, captured by the rebels, gave Davis the first intimation of his defeat? No wonder the rebel chief was "sick," and went to bed! No wonder that his Secretary, Walker, declined to make a speech! And what from Washington? These significant paragraphs: "The report that Anderson has surrendered, and is the guest of General Beauregard, has been communicated to the President. The latter was not surprised, but, on the contrary, remarked, 'The supply vessels could not reach him, and he did right. When he was told that the report was that nobody was injured in Fort Sumter, he seemed very much gratified, and remarked that he regretted that Major Anderson could not be supplied, as that was all he needed. "The next act in the play will represent a scene | volved upon me; and in any event I shall, to the at Fort Pickens, in Pensacola harbor." The position of affairs is this: Charleston is blockaded. Fort Pickens is reënforced by troops which the traitors foolishly believed were destined for Sumter. Washington is secure beyond peradventure. The traitors have, without the slightest cause, opened the war they have so long threatened. The country is roused to defend its assailed liberties, and gathers enthusiastically about the Government, and treason has been checkmated at the first blow it struck. Let them keep Sumter a few weeks. Let no man cry traitor to Major Anderson! Let no one fear for the energy of the Administration. Let us thank God that brave old General Scott remains to give his loyal heart and wise head to his country's service! -Evening Post. best of my ability, repel force by force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has been assaulted, as mails to be withdrawn from all the States which is reported, I shall, perhaps, cause the United States claim to have seceded, believing that the commencement of actual war against the Government justifies and possibly demands it. I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and property situated within the States which claim to have seceded, as yet belonging to the Government of the United States as much as they did before the supposed secession. Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect the duties the country; not meaning by this, however, that I and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of may not land a force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon the border of the country. From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it must not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which I reaffirm, except so Doc. 54.—THE PRESIDENT'S SPEECH TO THE far as what I now say of the mails may be regarded as a modification.* VIRGINIA COMMISSIONERS. To Hon. Messrs. PRESTON, STUART, and RANDOLPH: Doc. 55.—THE FEELING IN THE CITY OF Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue towards the seceded States, is extremely injurious to the industrial and commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment of the pending difficulties, and threatens a disturbance of the public peace; therefore, Resolved, That a committee of three delegates be appointed to wait on the President of the United States, present to him this preamble, and respect fully ask him to communicate to this Convention the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue in regard to the Confederate States. In answer I have to say, that having, at the beginning of my official term, expressed my intended poliey as plainly as I was able, it is with deep regret and mortification I now learn there is great and injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that policy is, and what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet seen occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole document as the best expression I can give to my purposes. As I then and therein said, I now repeat, "The power confided in me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imports; but beyond what is necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere." By the words "property and places belonging to the government," I chiefly allude to the military posts and property which were in possession of the government when it came into my hands. But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess it, if I can, like places which had been seized before the Government was de NEW YORK. FROM the first announcement that hostilities had actually commenced in Charleston Harbor, and that Major Anderson's garrison of sixty or seventy men were sustaining and replying as best they could, to a fierce bombardment from a force more than one hundred times their number, down to the moment it was announced that he was compelled to strike his flag, the feeling that stirred the people as one man, here, and so far as we can learn, elsewhere also, was too deep, too strong, and will be too enduring, to be characterized by the term excitement. Never have we seen anything like it. While the the absurdity and downright falsehood of many of keen sagacity of the public mind readily detected the despatches, yet those received on Friday night, created a sharp relish for more; consequently, Satwhole day, business was forsaken or limited to the urday morning, all the forenoon, and throughout the briefest necessity. At the Stock Board cheers were given for Major Anderson, and the Government Stocks stiffened with renewed determination to stand by the country. As despatch after despatch came, like bombs from an enemy's battery, the feeling was depressed or elated according to their character. The announcement that Fort Sumter was on fire sounded like a knell as well as an impossibility. It was a silly, unnecessary falsehood, or else some calamity had happened within the walls of Fort Sumter, on which it was based. It caused forebodings. had been some unlucky miscarriage, as the public "Where is the fleet?" was on all lips. That there Finally came the report that the stars and stripes mind had conceived its objects, was quite plain. would soon come down, and, later, that they had actually given place to the flag of Rebellion; when, belief, particularly of the statement that, notwithin spite of doubts, and the strong inclination to disstanding the bombardment had continued nearly The fact that the secessionists opened the fight at Charleston before any attempt was made by the Government to reinforce or supply Fort Sumter, is viewed here puts the responsibility upon them.-New York Herald, as an attempt on their part to coerce the Government, and April 14. thirty-six hours, “nobody was hurt," on either side, | ed; party bonds flashed into nothingness in the the feeling reached its climax. It did not find vent in extraordinary manifestations, but crystallized in a deep-seated conviction that a contest had been inaugurated, and an issue joined that would not be suffered to go by default. No compromise now with Rebellion, is the universal sentiment. If there were differences before, there cannot be said to be any now. glowing flame of patriotism;-men ceased to think of themselves or their parties,-they thought only of their country and of the dangers which menace its existence. Nothing for years has brought the hearts of all the people so close together, or so inspired them all with common hopes, and common fears, and a common aim, as the bombardment and surrender of an American fortress. Yesterday the churches throughout the city were crowded to overflowing, many persons attending in order to hear what might be disseminated from the pulpit, in regard to the war which had been inaug-impugners of American loyalty, the country has urated. While the discourses of some of the preachers made direct and extended allusion to the great event in their churches, it was referred to in the prayers and lessons of the day. Others, doubtful of the authenticity of the news, abstained from any reference to the subject. During the progress of one of the Fourth-avenue cars down-town, Capt. Miller, with a friend, was quietly discussing the affairs of Government, when their conversation was interrupted by a gentlemanly-looking person, who attributed all the trouble to the "D-d Black Republicans." Capt. Miller, who is a member of the church, but nevertheless a fighting man, turned suddenly upon the individual and said: "Now, look here, Mr., you're a stranger to me, but if you want to join in conversation with me you must come in the character of a gentleman." Stranger suddenly discovered that he had arrived at his destination. On Saturday evening, a gentleman in the crowd that gathered on Printing-House Square was disposed to rejoice over the news, and expressed the opinion that it was the best way to bring about a settlement. "Settlement did you say, my friend?" responded a six-footer, whose peculiarity of speech indicated that he was raised somewhere in the vicinity of the Green Mountains, "I will tell you what, there is just one way to get a settlement, provided this news is true, and that is by one side or the other getting whipped!" The cheers of the crowd showed how heartily the sentiment was responded to. Three men, apparently laborers, who were alone reading the despatches as they came, when information came that Anderson had hauled down the American Flag, were so affected that they wept. As an evidence of the feeling among the representative men of our city, we will state that Commodore Vanderbilt informed our reporter last night that no application had been made to him by the Government in reference to his steamships; but he said, MY STEAMSHIPS ARE AT THE DISPOSAL OF THE GOVERNMENT. -N. Y. Tribune, April 15. THE RESURRECTION OF PATRIOTISM. The incidents of the last two days will live in History. Not for fifty years has such a spectacle been seen, as that glorious uprising of American loyalty which greeted the news that open war had been commenced upon the Constitution and Government of the United States. The great heart of the American people beat with one high pulsation of courage, and of fervid love and devotion to the great Republic. Party dissensions were instantly hushed; political differences disappeared, and were as thoroughly forgotten as if they had never exist We look upon this sublime outburst of public sentiment as the most perfect vindication of popular institutions,-the most conclusive reply to the ever seen. It has been quite common to say that such a Republic as ours could never be permanent, because it lacked the conditions of a profound and abiding loyalty. The Government could never inspire a patriotic instinct, fervid enough to melt the bonds of party, or powerful enough to override the selfishness which free institutions so rapidly develop. The hearts of our own people had begun to sink within them, at the apparent insensibility of the public to the dangers which menaced the Govern ment. The public mind seemed to have been demoralized,-the public heart seemed insensible to perils which threatened utter extinction to our great Republic. The secession movement, infinitely the most formidable danger which has ever menaced our Government, was regarded with indifference and treated as merely a novel form of our usual political contentions. The best among us began to despair of a country which seemed incompetent to understand its dangers, and indifferent to its own destruction. But all this is changed. The cannon which bombarded Sumter awoke strange echoes, and touched forgotten chords in the American heart. American Loyalty leaped into instant life, and stood radiant and ready for the fierce encounter. From one end of the land to the other-in the crowded streets of cities, and in the solitude of the country-whereever the splendor of the Stars and Stripes, the glittering emblems of our country's glory, meets the eye, come forth shouts of devotion and pledges of aid, which give sure guarantees for the perpetuity of American Freedom. War can inflict no scars on such a people. It can do them no damage which time cannot repair. It cannot shake the solid foundations of their material prosperity,-while it will strengthen the manly and heroic virtues, which defy its fierce and frowning front. It is a mistake to suppose that War,-even Civil War,-is the greatest evil that can afflict a nation. The proudest and noblest nations on the earth have the oftenest felt its fury, and have risen the stronger, because the braver, from its overwhelming wrath. War is a far less evil than degradation,-than the national and social paralysis which can neither feel a wound nor redress a wrong. When War becomes the only means of sustaining a nation's honor, and of vindicating its just and rightful supremacy, it ceases to be an evil and becomes the source of actual and positive good. If we are doomed to assert the rightful supremacy of our Constitution by force of arms, against those who would overthrow and destroy it, we shall grow the stronger and the nobler by the very contest we are compelled to wage. We have reason to exult in the noble demonstration of American loyalty, which the events of the last few days have called forth from every quarter |