The bridges burned were over Buffalo Creek, and were common open railroad pier bridges, all iron except the sills and the cross-ties of the track, both of which were consumed. The upper one is about four miles below Mannington, and the other some quarter of a mile below it. It is feared that others are destroyed between there and Grafton. The anxiety about the splendid iron bridge over the Monongahela is especially very great.

Sunday night several bridges between Mannington and Glover's Gap were guarded by the citizens of the former place. At the same time they had need of guarding their town, for the gang at Farmington had threatened to burn it to the ground, and there were various rumors afloat about accessions to their number.

Glover's Gap is a way station several miles above Mannington, inhabited by but one or two families, but surrounded by a secession country, which polled some sixty or seventy secession votes. These men live around among the hills and are almost inaccessible. That part of the road will bear watching. As the train came west this morning, the telegraph was found cut not half a mile from this place.

The Ohio Regiment reached Mannington Monday evening, just at dark, having felt their way over the road, examining all the bridges to see that they had not been injured. The whole town assembled to receive them. They paraded in the street, while their band, a superior one, played the "Star Spangled Banner and other airs. At the conclusion, the crowd gave three cheers for Ohio, which compliment was returned by the Ohio men, who gave three for the citizens of Mannington. The citizens then proffered their houses for quarters for the soldiers. Some were put in the church, some in the Odd Fellows' Hall, others at the hotel, others in private houses, until they were all provided for, the people all manifesting the most cordial feeling for them.

And well they merited such treatment; for, besides that they came here to protect us, they are a splendid set of fellows-tall, handsome, and soldier-like in appearance, and dignified and gentlemanly in demeanor. They were immensely pleased with their reception all along the road, and particularly with the substantial compliments of the good people of Cameron and Belton. The citizens of Cameron were taken by surprise by the train that conveyed the Wheeling Regiment, but learning that more were on the way, they went to work and got together all the provisions in the place, bread, pies, cakes, a barrel of crackers, meat, butter, and eggs, and had them all boxed up and ready for them. By the time the Ohio men reached Cameron there had collected from the surround

-Wheeling (Va.) Intelligencer, May 29.'

Doc. 2041.

SPEECH OF SENATOR DOUGLAS.

IIIS LAST WORDS FOR THE UNION.

SENATOR DOUGLAS and wife reached Chicago, Ill., on their return from Washington, on the evening of the 1st day of May, and were met at the depot by an immense assemblage of citi zens of all parties, who insisted on escorting Mr. Douglas in procession to the great Wigwam, which was already packed with ten thousand persons. Room having been made for the admission of Mr. Douglas, he was addressed by Thomas B. Bryan, in behalf of Chicago. Mr. Douglas replied:

Mr. Chairman:-I thank you for the kind terms in which you have been pleased to welcome me. I thank the Committee and citizens of Chicago for this grand and imposing recep tion. I beg you to believe that I will not do you nor myself the injustice to believe this magnificent ovation is personal homage to myself. I rejoice to know that it expresses your devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the flag of our country. (Cheers.)

That

I will not conceal gratification at the uncontrovertible test this vast audience presentsthat what political differences or party questions may have divided us, yet you all had a conviction that when the country should be in danger, my loyalty could be relied on. the present danger is imminent, no man can conceal. If war must come-if the bayonet must be used to maintain the Constitution-I can say before God my conscience is clean. I have struggled long for a peaceful solution of the difficulty. I have not only tendered those States what was theirs of right, but I have gone to the very extreme of magnanimity.

The return we receive is war, armies marched upon our capital, obstructions and dangers to our navigation, letters of marque to invite pi rates to prey upon our commerce, a concerted movement to blot out the United States of America from the map of the globe. The question is, Are we to maintain the country of our fathers, or allow it to be stricken down by those who, when they can no longer govern, threaten to destroy?

What cause, what excuse do disunionists give us for breaking up the best Government on which the sun of heaven ever shed its rays? They are dissatisfied with the result of a Presidential election. Did they never get beaten before? Are we to resort to the sword when we get defeated at the ballot-box. I understand it that the voice of the people expressed in the mode appointed by the Constitution must command the obedience of every citizen. They assume, on the election of a particular

candidate, that their rights are not safe in the Union. What evidence do they present of this? I defy any man to show any act on which it is based. What act has been omitted to be done? I appeal to these assembled thousands that so far as the constitutional rights of the Southern States, I will say the constitutional rights of slaveholders, are concerned, nothing has been done, and nothing omitted, of which they can complain.

There has never been a time from the day that Washington was inaugurated first President of these United States, when the rights of the Southern States stood firmer under the laws of the land than they do now; there never was a time when they had not as good a cause for disunion as they have to-day. What good cause have they now that has not existed under every Administration?

If they say the Territorial question-now, for the first time, there is no act of Congress prohibiting slavery anywhere. If it be the non-enforcement of the laws, the only complaints that I have heard have been of the too vigorous and faithful fulfilment of the Fugitive Slave Law. Then what reason have they?

The slavery question is a mere excuse. The election of Lincoln is a mere pretext. The present secession movement is the result of an enormous conspiracy formed more than a year since, formed by leaders in the Southern Confederacy more than twelve months ago.

They use the Slavery question as a means to aid the accomplishment of their ends. They desired the election of a Northern candidate, by a sectional vote, in order to show that the two sections cannot live together. When the history of the two years from the Lecompton charter down to the Presidential election shall be written, it will be shown that the scheme was deliberately made to break up this Union.

They desired a Northern Republican to be elected by a purely Northern vote, and then assign this fact as a reason why the sections may not longer live together. If the disunion candidate in the late Presidential contest had carried the united South, their scheme was, the Northern candidate successful, to seize the Capitol last spring, and by a united South and divided North hold it. That scheme was defeated in the defeat of the disunion candidate in several of the Southern States.

But this is no time for a detail of causes. The conspiracy is now known. Armies have been raised, war is levied to accomplish it. There are only two sides to the question. Every man must be for the United States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this war; only patriots-or traitors.

Thank God Illinois is not divided on this question. (Cheers.) I know they expected to present a united South against a divided North. They hoped in the Northern States, party questions would bring civil war between Democrats and Republicans, when the South would step in Doc.-30

with her cohorts, aid one party to conquer the other, and then make easy prey of the victors. Their scheme was carnage and civil war in the North.

There is but one way to defeat this. In Illinois it is being so defeated by closing up the ranks. War will thus be prevented on our own soil. While there was a hope of peace I was ready for any reasonable sacrifice or compromise to maintain it. But when the question comes of war in the cotton-fields of the South or the corn-fields of Illinois, I say the farther off the better.

We cannot close our eyes to the sad and solemn fact that war does exist. The Government must be maintained, its enemies overthrown, and the more stupendous our preparations the less the bloodshed, and the shorter the struggle. But we must remember certain restraints on our action even in time of war. We are a Christian people, and the war must be prosecuted in a manner recognized by Christian nations.

We must not invade Constitutional rights. The innocent must not suffer, nor women and children be the victims. Savages must not be let loose. But while I sanction no war on the rights of others, I will implore my countrymen not to lay down their arms until our own rights are recognized. (Cheers.)

The Constitution and its guarantees are our birthright, and I am ready to enforce that inalienable right to the last extent. We cannot recognize secession. Recognize it once, and you have not only dissolved government, but you have destroyed social order, upturned the foundations of society. You have inaugurated anarchy in its worst form, and will shortly experience all the horrors of the French Revolution.

Then we have a solemn duty-to maintain the Government. The greater our unanimity the speedier the day of peace. We have prejudices to overcome from the few short months since of a fierce party contest. Yet these must be allayed. Let us lay aside all criminations and recriminations as to the origin of these difficulties. When we shall have again a country with the United States flag floating over it, and respected on every inch of American soil, it will then be time enough to ask who and what brought all this upon us.

I have said more than I intended to say. (Cries of "Go on.") It is a sad task to discuss questions so fearful as civil war; but sad as it is, bloody and disastrous as I expect it will be, I express it as my conviction before God, that it is the duty of every American citizen to rally round the flag of his country.

I thank you again for this magnificent demonstration. By it you show you have laid aside party strife. Illinois has a proud position-United, firm, determined never to permit the Government to be destroyed. (Prolonged cheering.)

-N. Y. Tribune, June 13.

Doc. 205.

THE WASHINGTON ARTILLERY. THE following is a list of the officers: Staff-Major J. B. Walton; Adjutant, Lieut. W. M. Owen; Surgeon, Dr. E. S. Drew; Quartermaster, Lieut. C. H. Slocomb.

Non-Commissioned Staff.-Sergeant-Major, C. L. C. Dupuy; Color Sergeant, Louis M. Montgomery; Quartermaster Sergeant, S. Kennedy. Color Guard.-Corporals George W. Wood, E. J. Jewell, A. H. Peale, and J. H Dearie. First Company.-Capt. M. M. Isaacson; First Lieutenant, J. B. Richardson, Jr.; Second | Lieutenant, H. G. Geiger.

Second Company.-First Lieutenant, C. C. Lewis, commanding; First Lieutenant, Samuel J. McPherson; Second Lieut., C. H. Slocomb. Third Company.-Captain M. B. Miller; 1st Lieutenant, J. B. Whittington; 2d Lieutenant, L. A. Adam; 1st Sergeant, Frank McElroy; 2d do., A. V. Hero; 3d do., L. Prados; 4th do., J. T. Handy; 1st Corporal, E. J. Jewell; 2d do., A. H. Peale; 3d do., W. II. Ellis; 4th do., Collins.

Fourth Company.-Captain, B. F. Eshleman; 1st Lieutenant, Jos. Norcom; 2d Lieutenant, Harry A. Battles; 2d Sergeant, W. J. Behan; 3d do., G. E. Apps; 4th do., J. D. Reynolds; 1st Corporal, George Wood; 2d do., J. W. Dearn. DR. PALMER'S SERMON ΤΟ THE WASHINGTON

ARTILLERY.

The following is a report of the eloquent and patriotic exhortation of Dr. Palmer to the Washington Artillery, delivered from the portico of the City Hall to the troops just before marching to the depot, on their departure for the scene of war in Virginia. Besides the military, there were not less than five thousand citizens present on this interesting occasion: Gentlemen of the Washington Artillery:

|

Eighty-five years ago our fathers fought in defence of the chartered right of Englishmen, that taxation and representation are correlative. We, their sons, contend to-day for the great American principle that all just government derives its powers from the will of the governed. It is the corner-stone of the great temple which, on this continent, has been reared to civil freedom; and its denial leads, as the events of the past two months have clearly shown, to des potism, the most absolute and intolerable, a despotism more grinding than that of the Turk or Russian, because it is the despotism of the mob, unregulated by principle or precedent, drifting at the will of an unscrupulous and irresponsible majority. The alternative which the North has laid before her people is the subjugation of the South, or what they are pleased to call absolute anarchy. The alternative before us is, the independence of the South or a despotism which will put its iron heel upon all that the human heart can hold dear. This mighty issue is to be submitted to the ordeal of battle, with the nations of the earth as spectators, and with the God of Heaven as umpire. The theatre appointed for the struggle is the soil of Virginia, beneath the shadow of her own Alleghanies. Comprehending the import of this great controversy from the first, Virginia sought to stand between the combatants, and pleaded for such an adjustment as both the civilization and the religion of the age demanded. When this became hopeless, obeying the instincts of that nature which has ever made her the Mother of Statesmen and of States, she has opened her broad bosom to the blows of a tyrant's hand. Upon such a theatre, with such an issue pending before such a tribunal, we have no doubt of the part which will be assigned you to play; and when we hear the thunders of your cannon echoing from the mountain passes of Virginia, will understand that you mean, in the language of Cromwell at the castle of Drogheda, "to cut this war to the

It only remains, soldiers, to invoke the blessing of Almighty God upon your honored flag. It waves in brave hands over the gallant defenders of a holy cause. It will be found in the thickest of the fight, and the principles which it represents you will defend to "the last of your breath and of your blood." May victory perch upon its staff in the hour of battle, and peace -an honorable peace-be wrapped within its folds when you shall return.

It is little to say to you that you will be remembered. And should the frequent fate of the soldier befall you in a soldier's death, you shall find your graves in thousands of hearts, and the pen of history shall write the story of your martyrdom. Soldiers, farewell! and may the Lord of Hosts be round about you as a wall of fire, and shield your heads in the day of battle!

-N. O. Picayune, May -N. O. Delta, May 29.