Doc. 186. AT ATLANTA, GEORGIA, MAY 22. FELLOW-CITIZENS:-I feel that I cannot compensate you for the trouble you have taken to call me out. You, as citizens of Atlanta, know that there has been no instance of my being called upon by you, in which I failed to respond, unless for the very good reason that I had nothing to say; and this evening I must offer this excuse for failing to address you at length. I presume that a curiosity to know what we have been doing in the Congress recently assembled at Montgomery, has induced you to make this call upon me. We have made all the necessary arrangements to meet the present crisis. Last night we adjourned to meet in Richmond on the 20th of July. I will tell you why we did this. The "Old Dominion," as you know, has at last shaken off the bonds of Lincoln, and joined her noble Southern sisters. Her soil is to be the battle-ground, and her streams are to be dyed with Southern blood. We felt that her cause was our cause, and that if she fell we wanted to die by her. (Cheers.) We have sent our soldiers on to the posts of danger, and we wanted to be there to aid and counsel our brave "boys." In the progress of the war further legislation may be necessary, and we will be there, that when the hour of danger comes, we may lay aside the robes of legislation, buckle on the armor of the soldier, and do battle beside the brave ones who have volunteered for the defence of our beloved South. (Loud cheers.) will mention an instance which occurred on the Mississippi a few days ago. An aged manwhose gray hairs and tottering limbs forbade his entering the ranks, and whose children of the first and second generations were in the ranks of his country's defenders-was asked how much he would give to carry on the war. The spirit of the old man rose up in him— "Tell them," he said, "that my yearly crop of 1,000 bales of cotton they may have. Only give me enough to sustain me, and let the balance go to my country!" Offers of this sort come pouring in upon the Government from all parts of the country. But the Government does not require contributions from individuals; she has the means within herself of sustaining this war. No donations are necessary, except for the equipment of your own volunteers, and those you can and will provide for. But I tell you what you may do. Those of you who raise large crops of cotton, when your cotton is ready for market, give it to your Government at its market value, receive in return its bonds, and let it sell your produce to Europe for the specie to sustain our brave "boys" in Virginia. This was agreed on at Montgomery, and we promised to throw out the suggestion, that the people might think about it. I raise some cotton, and every thing above my necessary expenses my Government shall have. When this was proposed in Congress, a gentleman from Mississippi rose up and said that he did not raise cotton; it was his misfortune not to be able to help his country in that manner. "But," said he, "I will go home and canvass my section, and every man that I meet, who raises cotton, sugar, and rice, I will persuade him to sell it to his Government.' The people are coming up gallantly to the work. When the call was made for twelve months' volunteers, thousands were offered; but But this patriotism is not confined to the when it was changed to the full term of the war, men; the women, with warm hearts and busy the numbers increased! The anxiety among our fingers, are helping the soldiers. I will give citizens is not as to who shall go to the wars, you an instance that happened at Montgomery. but who shall stay at home? No man in the A message was received on Friday evening that whole Confederate States-the gray-haired sire a thousand sand-bags were wanted, with which down to the beardless youth-in whose veins to build batteries to protect our men at Pensawas one drop of Southern blood, feared to cola. What could be done? Some one sugplant his foot upon Virginia's soil, and die fight-gested that the ladies be made acquainted with ing for our rights. In Congress, the other day, I told them that if no other arm was raised to defend Virginia, noble old Georgia-proud in her love of independence would rise up to a man, and crossing to the southernmost bound of Abolitionism, would say to Lincoln and his myrmidons, "Thus far, traitor! shalt thou come; but no farther!" (Tremendous applause.) This good old Commonwealth-solitary and alone, if need bewill fight until she sees the last foul invader in his grave! And I know, fellow-citizens, that there is no loyal son of Georgia before me, whose heart does not beat a warm response to this pledge. (Cries of, "We will! we will!") But we not only need soldiers, we must have treasure to carry on this war. Private contributions have been offered to a vast amount. I our wants. It was done on Saturday morning. Monday evening I received notice to attend a meeting to be held at 5 o'clock in the Methodist church. Between the reception of the message and 5 o'clock that evening, the money had been raised, the cloth purchased, and the lovely women of that city, with their own delicate hands, at their homes and in the sanctuary of the living God, were making bags; and on Tuesday I saw the sand-bags start for Pensacola, to protect our brave soldiers! (Cheers.) Talk about subjugating us! Why, we might lay aside the men, and all Abolitiondom couldn't run down the women even! (Prolonged applause.) They say at the North that we are alarmed. What cause have we to be so? When the Congress assembled at Montgomery there were only six States represented. Now there are nine, and every breeze that comes from Tennessee bears us news that her people are rising up unanimously against the usurpations of Lincoln. North Carolina-the State of my parentage, and I love her with a love next to my native State-she, too, is aroused, and her Convention has unanimously adopted the ordinance of secession; and these States will soon shine as bright stars in our galaxy. With such aids as these, and with so many brave hearts in our land, we can never be conquered! I have spoken enthusiastically, but pardon ine. I can say nothing more. (Cries of, "Go on!") You will excuse me, as I have been speaking at every town on the road, and am quite hoarse. -Ohio Statesman, May 29. Doc. 187. SECRETARY CAMERON'S LETTER. WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, May 22, 1861. DEAR SIR:-By reference to General Orders, No. 15, of the War Department, appended, a copy of which I herewith forward you, giving the plan of the organization of the volunteer forces called into the service of the United States by the President, you will perceive that all regimental officers of those volunteers, from Colonels down to Second Lieutenants, inclusive, are appointed by the Governors of States. Having thus confided to you the appointment of all these officers for the regiments furnished by your State, you will, I trust, excuse this Department for impressing upon you in advance the necessity of absolute adherence in your appointments, to the following suggestions, which are deemed of the highest importance by the General-in-Chief, under whose advice they are submitted to you: First. To commission no one of doubtful morals or patriotism, and not of sound health. Second. To appoint no one to a Lieutenancy, Second or First, who has passed the age of 22 years; or to a Captaincy over 30 years; and to appoint no Field-officers, Major, Lieutenant, or Colonel, unless a graduate of the United States Military Academy, or is known to possess military knowledge and experience, who has passed the respective ages of 35, 40, and 45 years. Doc. 188. SECOND REGIMENT N. Y. S. V. THE following is a list of the officers: Colonel, Joseph B. Carr; Lieutenant-Colonel, R. Wells Kenyon; Major, Richard D. Bloss; Adjutant, Timothy Quinn; Surgeon, Reed B. Bontecou; Surgeon's Mate, Leroy McLean; Quartermaster, C. L. McArthur; Chaplain, V. B. Lewis; Sergeant-Major, L. G. Benedict; QuartermasterSergeant, J. P. Donnelly; Drum-Major, Thomas E. Bulger. Company A, Captain, J. W. Armitage; First Lieutenant, Calvin W. Link; Second Lieutenant, George W. Hitchcock. Company B, Captain, Wm. A. Olmsted; First Lieutenant, T. C. Haddock; Second Lieutenant, Lee Churchill. Company C, Captain, Geo. H. Otis; First Lientenant, Lee Perkins; Second Lieutenant, W. H. Pitt. Company D, Captain, Michael Cassidy; First Lieutenant, John Maguire; Second Lieutenant, John McCaffrey. Company E, Captain, Geo. W. Wilson; First Lieutenant, John H. Quackenbush; Second Lieutenant, C. Wilson. Company F, Captain, S. W. Park; First Lieutenant, James Cross; Second Lieutenant, Wm. H. Harrison. Company G, Captain, W. B. Tibbits; First Lieutenant, James Savage; Second Lieutenant, Wm. Sullivan. Company H, Captain, J. G. McNutt; First Lieutenant, Wm. O'Brien; Second Lieutenant, W. H. McFeeters. Company I, Captain, McConihe; First Lieutenant, Jos. Lafuira; Second Lieutenant, George Taft. Company K, Captain, John Arts; First Lieutenant, Henry Jansen; Second Lieutenant, Auguste Kalbe. -N. Y. Herald, May 20. Doc. 1881. SPEECH OF DR. MCCLINTOCK, AT EXETER HALL, LONDON. (From the Methodist.) "EXETER HALL was probably never the scene of greater enthusiasm than on the occasion of the address of our corresponding editor. Formally the speech was in behalf of the cause of missions, but in point of fact, it became an appeal for the American people and the American Government grappling with a formidable rebellion. Dr. McClintock said: * ** * "I don't know whether any of you read the Times or not, but I do sometimes; and This Department feels assured it will not be the Times has been trying to persuade the deemed offensive to your Excellency to add this British people recently that there is no Amergeneral counsel, that the higher the moral char-ican republic any more; that it has all sunk acter and general intelligence of the officers so appointed, the greater the efficiency of the troops and the resulting glory to their respective States. I am, sir, respectfully, SIMON CAMERON, -National Intelligencer, May 24. fathoms deep. I do not know but that this man from the country' has got hold of an old copy of the Times with that in. (Loud laughter.) The Times said, the day before yesterday, just in the words that I will now quote: "The great republic is no more;' and Gervase Smith left us out of his speech! Shall I go home and tell my friends that I don't know whether you believe with the Times or not? I am inclined to think you do not, but if you have the slight est disposition to believe any such doctrine as that let me tell you, 'lay not the flattering unction to your soul.' No, I don't believe that Britons will rejoice to see the day when the 'Great Republic' shall be no more. (Tremendous cheering.) But, if they shall, let me tell you the day of their rejoicing is very far away. (Cheers.) What sort of a prophet would that have been who, just at the beginning of the conflict of the American Revolution, when Great Britain was going to fight her rebellious colonies, should have said Great Britain was no more. per put into my hands called the Telegraph, "What would have been thought of the man who would have said, after you had given up the American colonies-a far bigger territory "So far at least as this congregation is conthan any you had left at that time-what would cerned, I hope you will not be debauched. We have been thought of the newspaper that used to think, years ago, we heard voices comshould have said, at that moment, The great ing across the great Atlantic, such voices as this power of the British Crown is no more, the man, Gervase Smith's, telling us to be brave for British empire is defunct?' He would have the slaves; and three or four years ago, when I been a splendid prophet, would he not? Sup- was here, I was abused in newspapers printed pose, too, that we in New York, editing papers in the city of London because I was a pro-slavery (and I have tried my hand at that business my-man; it was said-not enough of an abolitionist; self, in a religious sort of way) at the time of your rebellion in the East Indies, should have made use of such an expression as that-I am not afraid of talking about the Times, because I am not an Englishman-and if we had printed for two or three days that Great Britain was no more, and the diadem was about to fall from the head of Victoria, because there was a rebellion in India, it would have been quite a parallel case. ** ** * "Now, whatever the Times tells you, don't you say that the republic is drowned. (Hear, hear.) Now, I just want to cut another point out of the countryman's speech; and that is the hit about the slave. I do not think there was a single thing in that great speech of Mr. Smith's that took with this audience more than the part about the slave. Now, let me say to you, Mr. President, and this vast audience of Wesleyan ministers, and good, sensible, intelligent people, do not let your political newspapers, or your politicians, debauch your intellects or morals upon the present exciting American question. For the first time in the whole history of the human race, a people to the extent of twenty millions have risen up to say: 'We will forfeit our prestige before the world; we will jeopard our name even as a great republic; we will run the risk even of a terrible civil war, such as the world has never seen; we will do all this sooner than we will suffer that human slavery shall be extended one inch.' (Tremendous cheering.) I am in earnest about that point, and I do not want you to forget it, and if you read the Times you will need to remember it. "When I took up the Times at breakfast this morning, and read the first fifteen or twenty lines, it stopped my appetite for breakfast-I could not get on-I had to vent myself in a few angry words to my wife before I could get my appetite back again, (Laughter.) 11 pa and we thought that Britain was in earnest in this. And yet, if we were to believe these newspapers, all these professions have been a sham and a humbug, and all your anti-slavery feeling has been simply fanaticism! God preserve us, for I am sure the newspapers never will. (Loud cheers.)" -N. Y. Evening Post, May 23. Doc. 189. SPEECH OF A. H. STEPHENS, AT ATLANTA, GEORGIA, MAY 23. MY FELLOW-CITIZENS:-The time for speechmaking has passed. The people have heard all that can be said. The time for prompt, vigorous, decisive action is upon us, and we must do our duty. Upon the surface, affairs appear to be quiet, and I can give you no satisfaction as to their real condition. It is true that threats of an attack on Pensacola have been made, but it is uncertain whether any attack will be made. As you know, an attack was made on Sewell's Point, near Norfolk, but the vessel making it was repulsed and disabled. But the general opinion and indications are that the first demonstration will be at Harper's Ferry, and that there, where John Brown inaugurated his work of slaughter, will be fought a fierce and bloody battie. As for myself, I believe that there the war will begin; and that the first boom of cannon that breaks upon our ears will come from that point. But let it begin where it will, and be as bloody and prolonged as it may, we are prepared for the issue! Some think there will be no war; as to that I know not. But whatever others wanted, the object of the Confederate Government is peace. Come peace or war, however, it is determined to maintain our position at every hazard and at every cost, and to drive back the myrmidons of Abolitionism. It is to be hoped that Lincoln | talent they can summon-even to their veteran will perceive his error and cease his warlike chieftain, General Scott himself. preparations. The war is against all the principles on which the Government of the United States is based. The arrest of Ross Winans, by the order of President Lincoln, is an act of despotism which the autocrat of Russia, with all his absolute power, never thought of exceeding. It is an assumption of power on the part of the Executive which even Congress had never dared to usurp; for the Constitution of the United States expressly provides that no citizen thereof shall be deprived of his life, liberty, or property, except as a punishment for crimes, and after a fair trial by his peers. The proclamation declaring our ports in a state of blockade, is in violation of the oath taken by Lincoln when he was inaugurated President of the United States; for he swore to maintain the Constitution of the United States, which declares that "no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another State;" and he considers us a part of the United States; yet the ports of Boston and New York were open to the world, while Charleston and other Southern ports were declared to be in a state of blockade. How dare he issue such an ukase? How dare he, with the oath upon his lips to support the Constitution, trample that instrument in the dust? But he declared, shortly after his inauguration, that he had an "oath registered in high Heaven." By this he means that he has sworn the subjugation of the South to the legions of Abolitiondom. Well, let them come. We are prepared for them. The acts of Lincoln exhibit the spirit of anarchy which is abroad in the North, and total disregard of all constitutional obligations and limits by the Abolition despot now in power. The North is fast drifting to anarchy and an established despotism. On you, therefore, as citizens of the Confederate States, depend the success and perpetuation of constitutional liberty; for the day is not far off when freedom will exist only south of Mason & Dixon's line, and your stout arms and brave hearts her only support on all this continent. We prefer and desire peace if we can have it; but if we cannot, we must meet the issue forced upon us. We must meet Lincoln and his myrmidons on their own ground, and on their own terms-on constitutional principles. So far, our progress has been all that we could expect. A Government has been organized, Executive Departments and offices supplied, all needful laws passed, and all necessary arrangements made to meet any contingency. At the head of our Government is President Davis-who led the Mississippi Rifles at Buena Vista-and whose flag never yet trailed in the dust. This noble and true son of the South goes to Richmond, to take command in person of our soldiers there, and to lead them upon the battle field against all the military power and Whether brought to a bloody conflict or not, we are prepared. Our people everywhere are full of enthusiasm, and strong in their determination never to submit to the rule of Lincoln. Fathers, and mothers, and sisters are all ready, and doing all they can in aid of the cause. We are in the right; and justice is upon our side. We must succeed. The same God who guided our fathers in the bloody Revolution, and who made the glory of the late United States, is yet upon the side of right and justice. Relying upon Him who holds the destinies of all nations in His hands, we will go forth to battle, resolved to conquer or die! -Ohio Statesman, May 30. Doc. 190. FIFTH REGIMENT N. Y. VOLUNTEERS. Company A, Capt., H. D. Hull; Lieut., W. T. Company F, Capt., H. A. Swartout; Lieut., A. Company H, Capt., G. Gilpatrick; Lieut., S. S. Doc. 190. FIRST AND SECOND OHIO REGIMENTS. COMPANIES.--Co. A, Lancaster Guard, Capt. tle molestation or interruption as will consist with the right of ascertaining their neutral character, and of detaining and bringing them in for regular adjudication in the proper cases. You are particularly to avoid even the appearance of using force or seduction with the view to deprive such vessels of their crews or the passengers, other than persons in the military service of the enemy. Capt. Paddock; Co. F, Franklin Blues, Capt. | ards neutral vessels you are to give them as lit- -National Intelligencer, May 24-27. Doc. 191. THE THIRD CONNECTICUT REGIMENT. THE following is a list of the officers: Colonel, J. Arnold; Lieutenant-Colonel, A. P. Brady; Major, A. Warner; Adjutant, T. J. Peck; Quartermaster, R. Halcomb; Surgeon, J. MeGregor; Assistant Surgeon, M. T. Newton; Sergeant Major, W. E. Brady; Assistant Quartermaster, J. H. Alexander; Drum Major, L. B. Fannin; Fife Major, W. R. Miller; Infantry company A, Captain D. Famber; Rifle company B, Captain J. R. Cook; Infantry company C, Captain S. J. Roat; Infantry company D, Captain F. Frye; Rifle company E, Captain J. A. Nelson; Rifle company F, Captain A. Stevens; Rifle company A, Captain G. N. Lewis; Rifle company D, Captain E. Harland. -Washington National Republican, May 27. Doc. 192. INSTRUCTIONS TO PRIVATEERS. 1. THE tenor of your commission, under the act of Congress entitled "An act recognizing the existence of war between the United States and the Confederate States, and concerning letters of marque, prizes, and prize goods," a copy of which is hereto annexed, will be kept constantly in your view. The high seas referred to in your commission, you will understand generally to refer to the low-water mark, but with the exception of the space within one league, or three miles, from the shore of countries at peace with the United States and the Confederate States. You nevertheless execute your commission within the distance of the shore of the nation at war with the United States, and even on the waters within the jurisdiction of such nation, if permitted to do so. 2. You are to pay the strictest regard to the rights of neutral Powers and the usages of civilized nations, and in all your proceedings tow 4. The master, and one or more of the principal persons belonging to the captured vessels, are to be sent, as soon after the capture as may be, to the Judge or Judges of the proper court in the Confederate States, to be examined upon oath touching the interest or property of the captured vessel and her lading, and at the same time are to be delivered to the Judge or Judges all papers, charter parties, bills of lading, letters, and other documents and writings found on board; and the said papers to be proved by the affidavit of the commander of the captured vessel, or some other person present at the capture, to be produced as they were received, without fraud, addition, subtraction, or embezzlement. 5. Property, even of the enemy, is exempt from seizure on neutral vessels, unless it be contraband of war. If goods contraband of war are found on any neutral vessel, and the commander thereof shall offer to deliver them up, the offer shall be accepted, and the vessel left at liberty to pursue its voyage, unless the quantity of contraband goods shall be greater than can be conveniently received on board your vessel, in which case the neutral vessel may be carried into port, for the delivery of the contraband goods. The following articles are declared by this Government contraband of war, as well as all others that are so declared by the laws of nations, viz. All arms and implements serving for the purpose of war by land or sea, such as cannons, mortars, guns, muskets, rifles, pistols, petards, bombs, grenades, balls, shot, shell, pikes, swords, bayonets, javelins, lances, horse furniture, holsters, belts, and generally all other implements of war. Also, timber for shipbuilding, pitch, tar, rosin, copper in sheets, sails, hemp, cordage, and generally whatever may serve directly to the equipment of vessels, wrought-iron and planks only excepted. Neutral vessels conveying enemies' despatches or military persons in the service of the enemy forfeit their neutral character, and are liable to capture and condemnation. But this rule does not apply to neutral vessels bearing despatches from the public ministers or ambassadors of the enemy residing in neutral countries. By the command of the President of the Confederate States. ROBERT TOOMBS, Secretary of State. National Intelligencer, May 27. |