2,000 New London, Ct.... 5,000 New Brunswick, N. J. 1,000 Needham, Mass.. 1,000 Newtown, Mass.. 4,000 N. Andover, Mass... 10,000 Noblesville, Ind... 7,000 Newbury, Mass.. 5,000 Newburyport, Mass.. 6,000 Ohio, State.. 10,000 Oswego, N. Y.. 20,000 Pennsylvania, State. Cam. & Am. R. R. Co. 50,000 Ottowa, Ill.. Elizabeth, N. J. 8,000 Plymouth, Mass.. Damariscotta, Me.. Elkhart, Ind.. 10,000 Princeton, N. J.. 2,000 Salem, Mass. 5,000 Stowe, Mass. Indianapolis, Ind.. Mount Holly, N. J... Morristown, N. J.. Mystic, Ct.. Madison, Wis... Marlboro', Mass.. Marshfield, Mass.. 100,000 Salisbury, Mass.. 5,000 Schuylkill Co., Pa.. 82,000 Troy, N. Y.. 6,000 Toledo, Ohio.. 2,000 Taunton, Mass.. 18,000 10,000 On Sunday afternoon, May 5, a special order 2,000 was received, ordering the Twentieth Regiment 8,000 8,000 to return to their homes, as no more regular 8,000 militia would be accepted; advices from Wash3,000 ington only calling for volunteers to serve for 4,000 two years. .3,000,000 13,000 10,000 18,000 8,500,000 880,000 2,000 10,000 20,000 10,000 This order caused great consternation among the rank and file. They had enlisted in the hope of being engaged in the impending conflict, and expected to see actual service. Many of them had given up lucrative positions, left homes and families for the purpose of manifest81,000 ing their patriotism for their country, and sus2,000 tain the honor and integrity of the American 10,000 flag. At seven o'clock, on the following eve500.000 ning, a special order was received from Wash10,000 ington, ordering them to at once proceed to the 15,000 Capital. Colonel Pratt was deeply affected at the en5,000 thusiasm manifested by his men, and took no 80,000 measures to check their outbursts of joy. After 6,000 order was restored, the commandant made a few pithy remarks, thanking his regiment for 40,000 the manner in which they had undergone dis20,000 appointments, and congratulated them on the 1,000,000 prospect of having an opportunity of showing 225,000 of what material the Ulster county boys are 5,000 composed. He said that his regiment would come back covered with glory. He also exonerated the State authorities from all blame in 5,000 8,000 5,000 1,800,000 West Cambridge, Mass. 10,000 50,000 Woodstock, Vt... 5,000 Webster, Mass.. 1,000 keeping them back, and said that the principal reason for their being ordered home was the great number of organized regiments of militia offering, by which the Government was forced 8,000 to decline one-half the tenders. 7,000 5,000 8,000 A few encouraging words to the men, and 8,000 the Colonel concluded by giving orders to be in 5,000 marching order as soon as possible. 4,000 14,000 The celerity with which the camp was placed 8,000 in marching order is one of the very best evidences of what might be expected of this regiment in actual service. The train could not leave owing to the storm, and the men again bivouacked. $23,277,000 -N. Y. Tribune, May 8. Doc. 142. At reveille the men were already in trim ready to take arms and march. A hearty and substantial breakfast was partaken of, and all the arrangements made necessary for the comfort of the troops. The order to form in line was given at eight o'clock. DEPARTURE OF THE 20TH REGIMENT, OF ULSTER CO., N. Y., MAY 7, 1861. THE Twentieth Regiment, Colonel G. W. Pratt, of Ulster county, arrived in New York on Sunday evening, the 28th of April, and were After inspection by the officers and several stationed at the Park barracks. They came for military celebrities, who had assembled to witthe purpose of going to Washington, via steam-ness their departure, the line of march was ship, but no provisions had been made for their transportation. The regiment mustered 781 men, when they arrived, recruits to the number of twenty came on subsequently, and 300 at least might have taken up, and the command wheeled out of the west gate of the Park, and filed down Broadway to Cortlandt street to the ferry. The officers were mounted on splendid chargers, and the general appearance of the regiment elicited considerable praise from the spectators. At the depot a train was in readiness to take the troops to Philadelphia. Field Officers.-Colonel, George W. Pratt; Lieutenant Colonel, Hiram Schoonmaker; Major, Theodore B. Yates. 199 and protection. With this request I comply with the truest pleasure. In this existing crisis of our country's fate every indication of a national, patriotic spirit is hailed with joy by every loyal heart. And when, as in this instance, it is exhibited by those whose thoughts are instinctively pure, having no partisan motives to influence them, no partisan prejudices to gratify, no petty ambition to subserve, no interest other than in their country's prosperity and good name, we rejoice at it even the more from a conviction that it must tend to strengthen the resolves of the loyal, encourage the hopes of the despondNon-commissioned Staff-Quartermaster Ser-ing, and bring to a pause the plottings of the geant, P. F. Hasbrouck; Sergeant of Infantry, rebellious. W. Webster Shaffer; Drum-Major, Geo. Myers; Fife-Major, A. Goller. Staff Officers.-Adjutant, J. B. Hardenburgh; Engineer, D. T. Van Buren; Hospital Surgeon, (assigned to duty in the brigade,) A. Crispell; Surgeon, C. Leonard Ingersoll; Assistant Surgeon, Robert Longham; Quartermaster, John S. Giffin; Paymaster, P. T. Overbaugh; Commissary, W. Sonnsby; Chaplain, Rev. H. H. Reynolds. Line Officers.-Company A, of Cairo, Greene county, First Lieutenant, A. G. Barker, commanding; Second Lieutenant, James Stevens. Company B, of Kingston, Captain G. H. Sharpe; First Lieutenant, Jacob Sharpe; Second Lieutenant, Cornelius Houghtaling. Company C, of Kingston, Captain, J. Rudolph Tappen; First Lieutenant, Walter W. Van Ranselaer; Second Lieutenant, Peter S. Voorhees. Company D, of Shokan, Ulster county, Captain, David Winne; First Lieutenant, John Hussy; Second Lieutenant, John W. Schoon Before doing the mere act I am delegated to perform, I hope you will consider the occasion as justifying a few thoughts as to the duty and interest of our State in the present emergency. In the original causes which have produced it she, thank God, had no share. Amongst the foremost and bravest in winning our independence; amongst the truest and wisest in forming our Government, and amongst the first in adopting it, her sons have uniformly given it a faithful and zealous support. No treasonable thought, so far as we know, ever entered the mind of one of them; certainly no threat of treason was ever whispered by them. They ever felt the immense advantage of the Union; they saw evidenced by every thing around them the blessings it conferred upon Maryland and upon all: prosperity unexampled, a national power increasing every year with a rapidity and to a degree never before witnessed Company F, of Rondout, Ulster county, Cap-in a nation's history, and winning for us a name tain, P. J. Flynn; First Lieutenant, Edward O'Reilly; Second Lieutenant, John Murray. Company G, of Saugerties, Captain, J. S. Oakley; First Lieutenant, J. Tallmadge Hendricks; Second Lieutenant, Sylvanus W. Miller. Company H, of Rondout, Ulster county, Captain, John Duenbocker; First Lieutenant, Jerrie McIntire; Second Lieutenant, Lawrence Stock maker. Company E, of Ellensville, Ulster county, Captain, William Lent; First Lieutenant, Jacob A. Blackman; Second Lieutenant, Nicholas Sahen. SPEECH OF REVERDY JOHNSON, AT FREDERICK, MD., MAY 7, 1861. MR. JOHNSON appeared upon the stand shortly before four o'clock, and, after an eloquent and fervent prayer by Rev. B. H. Creager, spoke as follows: challenging the respect and admiration of the world. They saw in the extent of the country, and the differences of climate and habits, elements of strength rather than of weakness, and apprehended therefore no parricidal efforts in any quarter to destroy the Government. If occasionally murmurs of dissatisfaction were heard elsewhere, they were attributed to the whining disposition of some and the disappointed ambition of others. They were ridiculed, subjected to no other punishment, but left to stand as "monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it." No "whiskey insurrection" ever occurred within our borders; no ordinance of nullification was ever threatened by us; and, if we continue true to patriotic duty, no ordinance of secession, direct or indirect, open or covert, will ever be adopted by those in authority, or, if madly adopted, be tolerated by the people. To this steadfast attachment to the Union we are not only bound by gratitude to the noble ancestry by whose patriotic wisdom it was bequeathed to us, and by the unappreciable blessI am before you by the request of the patri-ings the bequest has conferred upon us, but by otic Ladies of your city to present in their behalf a standard, the work of their hands, which they desire to intrust to your custody the assurance, which the most stolid intellect can hardly fail to feel, that its destruction would not only, and at once deprive us of all The truth is, and I regret sincerely to believe it, that fear of a violation of Southern rights was with the prompters of the rebellion but a pretence. these, but precipitate us into irreparable ruin. | eral Government, under the guarantees of the In this ruin all would more or less participate, Constitution, promptly to suppress physical but our geographical position would make it to force as an element of change, and to keep wide us immediate and total. A peaceable dissever-open the door for the free and full action of all ance the good and great men who have hereto- the moral elements in its power." fore guided our public councils ever predicted to be impossible. The proclamations now trumpeted through the land, the marshalling of hosts by thousands and tens of thousands, the whitening of our waters with an immense naval marine, the blockade of ports, the prostration of commerce, the destruction of almost all civil employment, the heated tone of the public press of all sections, belching forth the most bitter enmity, all, all testify to the truth of the prediction. How this is to result, Heaven alone knows. But to my mind one thing is certain. The Government by no single act of its own, has given cause for resistance to its rightful authority. The powers which it was exercising at the moment when rebellion began to muster its "armies of pestilence," were clearly conferred upon it by the Constitution. And if the Executive, then just legally chosen, had meditated any illegal policy, the friends of constitutional rights were numerous enough in Congress, had they remained at their posts, as they were bound to do by their oaths and their duty to the holy cause of Constitutional Government, successfully and peacefully to have thwarted it. The professed especial friends of Southern rights, instead of this, rudely shot from their spheres, and, under the utterly ridiculous claim of constitutional right, advised State secession. Madmen-if not worse-they desecrated, too, in support of this dogma, the name of Calhoun. He may have committed political errors-who has not? His doctrine of nullification was certainly one, in the judgment of all his great compeers, sanctioned by almost the entire country, but he never maintained the nonsensical heresy of rightful secession. On the contrary, long after that of the short-lived nullification, in February, 1844, writing to his "political friends and supporters" refusing to permit his name to be presented before the then approaching Baltimore Convention, he said: "That each State has the right to act as it pleases in whatever relates to itself exclusively no one will deny; but it is a perfectly novel doctrine that any State has such a right when she comes to act in concert with others in reference to what concerns the whole. In such cases it is the plainest dictate of common sense that whatever affects the whole should be regulated by the mutual consent of all, and not by the discretion of each." | What they have done and are still doing at the sacrifice of the nation's welfare, and of the welfare of their own section, exerting every nerve to accomplish, was and is but to retain official power, which they fancied was passing from them. Look at the usurped government at Montgomery. The mention of names is unnecessary-they are destined to an unhappy immortality. Those who plotted the seizure of forts, arsenals, mints, navy-yards, customhouses, the admitted property of the United States, seducing soldiers and sailors from their sworn allegiance-using the very Senate chamber, dedicated and sacred to duty, as a spot from which to issue their treacherous telegrams -are there to be seen all in power, actual or prospective. The fact too clearly tells the revolting story. Men long enjoying public honors, earning through many years of service a national fame, owning their renown because of the world-wide fame of a glorious Government, are striving, day and night, to reduce it to dishonor and destruction. Thank God, our consolation is that the effort, however pregnant with the present calamity, will fall short of its horrid aim. They may "as well strike at the heavens with their arms" as lift them against the "American Union." That the end must fail, who can doubt? The recent census furnishes pregnant proof of this. It shows that the Free States have a population of males between eighteen and forty-five of 3,778,000, and all the Slave States only 1,655,000, and the seceding States, excluding Virginia, but 531,000; and if to this vast difference of men is added that of wealth, inventive skill, habits of industry, and the absence of any element of domestic danger, the disparity is infinitely greater. In a struggle between such hosts which may God in his mercy avert-who can fail to see what must be the end? But to our State these facts teach a lesson that all can understand. If mad and wicked enough to attempt it, what could we do to resist this immense power on our borders? Call on the South? Make our State the battle-field? How long could the entire South, if flying to our succor, remain with and aid us? They might assist in drenching our land with blood; they That great philosophical statesman under- might witness with us our desolation, but that stood, as in another letter of the 3d of July, doom in such a contest it would be. They would 1843, he invites his countrymen to understand be driven back within their own limits and wo "in all its great and beautiful proportions, the left alone in our calamity, to be rendered the noble political structure reared by the wisdom more acute when, as we should, we awoke to and patriotism of our ancestors, and to have the insanity and crime which occasioned it. the virtue and the sense to preserve and pro- Looking, therefore, to interest alone, adherence tect it," and declared it the "duty of the Fed-to the Government is our clear policy. But when, as in my judgment it obviously is, that policy is demanded by the most obvious demands of patriotic duty, we should not hesitate one moment in adopting and abiding by it. Let those who have produced the rebellion exclusively share its certain adverse fate. Let them not, by specious promises of assistance and future prosperity, swerve us from our allegiance. They are even now promising themselves comparative exemption from the perils of the struggle. A recent Secretary, after having used his high position to produce the result, and by his grossly ignorant or faithless measures bankrupt the Treasury, is now addressing the people of his immediate section to persuade them that the coming war and its horrors will be kept far from them, and confined to the Border States. Let us, as far as ours is concerned, be wise enough to frustrate this cowardly policy. If to gain their traitorous views war is to be waged, let them bear its entire brunt. Let us not be their deluded victims. | bellious standard. But it is not less true that there is in every true Maryland bosom a devoted attachment to the national emblem, which will cause every man of us, whenever and wherever hearing the inspiring sounds, to unite in the chorus of our national anthem, "Oh long may it wave, o'er the land of the free and the home of the brave." Though not especially impulsive, I cannot imagine how an American eye can look upon that standard without emotion. The twenty stars added to the first constellation tell its proud history, its mighty influence, and its unequalled career. Are these now to be forgotten and lost? Tell me not that this is sentiment. Sentiment, to be sure it is, but it is one that purifies and animates and strengthens the national heart. God may be worshipped (I make the comparison with all proper reverence) in the open field, in the stable-but is there no virtue in the cathedral? Does not the soul turn its thoughts heavenwards the moment its sacred threshold is crossed? This too is sentiment, but it is one that honors our nature, and proves our loyalty to the Almighty. What is there in the modern history of South Carolina which should recommend her teachings to Maryland? What is there in the intellects of the Rhetts, the Yanceys, the Cobbs, and So it is with our national emblem. The man id genus omne, to make them our leaders? They who is dead to its influence is in mind a fool or did all they could to achieve the election of Mr. in heart a traitor. It is this emblem I am the Lincoln, and hailed its accomplishment with honored organ now to present to you. I need undissembled delight. They thought they saw not commend it to your constant, vigilant care; in it the realization of their long-cherished that, I am sure, it will ever be your pride to hopes the precipitation of the Cotton States give it. When, if ever your hearts shall deinto a revolution; and then fancied exemption spond-when, if ever you shall desire your pafrom the worst of the perils-and they now triotism to be specially animated, throw it to seek to effect it-in the intervention of the the winds, gaze on its beautiful folds, remember other Slave States between them and the dan- the years and the fields over which, from "76 to ger. Short-sighted men, they never anticipated the present time, it has been triumphantly the calamities already upon them, and the great-borne; remember how it has consoled the dyer certain to follow. Besides relying on the fact just stated, they also counted securely on a large and influential support in the Free States. Little did they know the true patriotic heart of the land. The first gun fired on the nation's, flag raised that feeling in the Northern heart. That gun, fired without cause, and upon a noble garrison about to be starved into a surrender, by being, through timidity or a worse cause, left in that condition, caused every man able to bear arms to rush to the support of the Government. Where, in the past, the South could count its friends by thousands and hundreds of thousands, not one is now to be found. The cry is the Government must be sustained-the flag must be vindicated. Heaven forbid that the duty of that vindication should be forgotten by Maryland! A temporary cause may have made it prudent in a part of the State (I have not the heart to name the locality) to suppress it. It may have happened that the Stripes, so often borne by her sons to victory or a proud death, were justly esteemed the national emblem to outrage, which the constituted authorities (though before justly boastful of their power to preserve the peace, as they had before faithfully done) were unable to prevent or quell, and were ing and animated the survivor; remember that it served to kindle even to a brighter flame the patriotic ardor of Washington-went with him through all the struggles of the Revolution, consoled him in defeat, gave to victory an additional charm, and that his dying moments were consoled and cheered by the hope that it would forever float over a perpetual Union, and you at once feel its almost holy influence and swear to stand by and maintain it till life itself shall be no more. Here it is, citizen soldiers. It is now yours, and with the assurance of its fair donors that they commit it to brave and loyal hands, and with their prayers for your individual happiness for the restoration of our Government to its recent peaceful and glorious unity, and its continuance as such forever. -National Intelligencer, May 11. Doc. 144. THE TENNESSEE LEAGUE. MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR HARRIS. EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, } Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Rep immediately made to share the fate of the re-resentatives: By virtue of the authority of your joint resolution, adopted on the 1st day of May, instant, I appointed Gustavus A. Henry, of the county of Montgomery, Archibald O. W. Totten, of the county of Madison, and Washington Barrow, of the county of Davidson, "Commissioners, on the part of Tennessee, to enter into a military league with the authorities of the Confederate States, and with the authorities of such other slaveholding States as may wish to enter into it; having in view the protection and defence of the entire South against the war that is now being carried on against it." eracy, shall be met and provided for by the Confederate States. This convention, entered into and agreed on in the city of Nashville, Tennessee, on the seventh day of May, A. D. 1861, by Henry W. Hilliard, the duly authorized Commissioner to act in the matter for the Confederate States, and Gustavus A. Henry, Archibald W. O. Totten, and Washington Barrow, commissioners duly authorized to act in like manner for the State of Tennessee. The whole subject to the approval and ratification of the proper authorities of both governmants, respectively. The said commissioners met the Hon. Henry W. Hilliard, the accredited representative of the In testimony whereof, the parties aforesaid Confederate States, at Nashville on this day, and have herewith set their hands and seals, the have agreed upon and executed a military league | day and year aforesaid, in duplicate originals. between the State of Tennessee and the ConfedHENRY W. HILLIARD, [Seal.] erate States of America, subject, however, to Commissioner for the Confederate States of the ratification of the two governments, one of America. the duplicate originals of which I herewith GUSTAVUS A. HENRY, [Seal.] transmit for your ratification or rejection. For A. O. W. TOTTEN, [Seal.] many cogent and obvious reasons, unnecessary WASHINGTON BARROW, [Seal.] to be rehearsed to you, I respectfully recom- Commissioners on the part of Tennessee. mend the ratification of this league at the earliest practicable moment. Very respectfully, ISHAM G. HARRIS. CONVENTION BETWEEN THE STATE OF TENNESSEE JOINT RESOLUTION RATIFYING THE LEAGUE. Whereas, A military league, offensive and defensive, was formed on this the 7th of May, 1861, by and between A. O. W. Totten, Gustavus A. Henry, and Washington Barrow, Commissioners on the part of the State of Tennessee, and H. W. Hilliard, Commissioner on the part of the Confederate States of America, subject to the confirmation of the two governments: The State of Tennessee, looking to a speedy admission into the Confederacy established by the Confederate States of America, in accordance with the constitution for the provisional government of said States, enters into the followBe it therefore resolved by the General Asing temporary convention, agreement, and mili-sembly of the State of Tennessee, That said tary league with the Confederate States, for the league be in all respects ratified and confirmed, purpose of meeting pressing exigencies affecting and the said General Assembly hereby pledges the common rights, interests, and safety of said the faith and honor of the State of Tennessee States and said Confederacy. to the faithful observance of the terms and conditions of said league. First: Until the said State shall become a member of said Confederacy, according to the constitutions of both powers, the whole military force and military operations, offensive and defensive, of said State, in the impending conflict with the United States, shall be under the chief control and direction of the President of the Confederate States upon the same basis, principles, and footing as if said State were now and during the intervals a member of the said Confederacy. Said force, together with those of the Confederate States, is to be employed for the common defence. Second: The State of Tennessee will, upon becoming a member of said Confederacy, under the permanent constitution of said Confederate States, if the same shall occur, turn over to said Confederate States all the public property, naval stores, and munitions of war of which she may then be in possession, acquired from the United States, on the same terms and in the same manner as the other States of said Confederacy have done in like cases. the adoption of the league: YEAS.-Messrs. Allen, Horn, Hunter, John son, Lane, Minnis, McClellan, McNeilly, Payne, Peters, Stanton, Thompson, Wood, and Speaker Stovall. Nash, Richardson, and Stokes. Mickley, Newman, Stokely, and Trimble. Absent and not voting-Messrs. Bumpass, The following is the vote in the House: YEAS.-Messrs. Baker of Perry, Baker of Weakley, Bayless, Bicknell, Bledsoe, Cheatham, Cowden, Davidson, Davis, Dudley, Ewing, Farley, Farrelly, Ford, Frazie, Gantt, Guy, Havron, Hart, Ingram, Jones, Kenner, Kennedy, Lea, Lockhart, Martin, Mayfield, McCabe, Morphies, Nall, Hickett, Porter, Richardson, Roberts, Shield, Smith, Sewel, Trevitt, Vaughn, Whitmore, Woods, and Speaker Whitthorne. Third: Whatever expenditures of money, if NAYS.-Messrs. Armstrong, Brazelton, Butany, the said State of Tennessee shall make ler, Caldwell, Gorman, Greene, Morris, Norbefore she becomes a member of said Confed-man, Russell, Senter, Strewsbury, White of |