and potatoes, which, after our sufferings from structions as to the immediate or future wants hunger, you will suppose was very acceptable. of the army-are liable to waste their enthusiIf I could have foreseen what I had to endure, asm in disproportionate efforts, to overlook I certainly should have made arrangements to some claims and overdo others, while they give be relieved at least from the want of food and unnecessary trouble in official quarters, by the from the knapsack. Keep up your spirits and variety and irregularity of their proffers of help have no apprehensions for us. We make our or their inquiries for guidance. sacrifices cheerfully, as we know that our cause is the cause of our country, a holy cause; and that Providence smiles upon it." -N. Y. Commercial, and N. Y. Evening Post, May 3. Doc. 107.-THE WASHINGTON OATH. THE following is the oath which so many of the United States clerks refused to take at Washington-60 or 70 of the number resigning in consequence of the demand that it should be adininistered. Mr. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury, declined to administer the oath, upon the ground that an oath to support the Constitution of the United States was all-sufficient for a loyal citizen. Those, he said, who would not obey that would break any other. His purpose was much commended by another Cabinet officer-the Secretary of War, we believe-and prevented a large number of resignations. It was particularly obnoxious to certain Union men of Maryland and Virginia, who regarded it as a doubt of their fidelity. The oath reads thus: I, A. B., at the present time in the United States service as a Clerk, do solemnly swear that I will support, protect, and defend the Constitution and Government of the United States against all enemies, whether domestic or foreign, and that I will bear true faith and loyalty to the same as established by the Constitution and laws; and further, that I do this with a full determination and pledge, without any mental reservation or evasion, to perform in good faith all the duties which may be legally required of me, so help me God. COUNTY OF WASHINGTON, To wit. Sworn to and subscribed before me, this day of April, 1861. C. D., (J. P.) -N. Y. Express, May 1. As no existing organization has a right to claim precedence over any other, or could properly assume to lead in this noble cause, where all desire to be first, it is proposed by the undersigned, members of the various circles now actively engaged in this work, that the women of New York should meet in the Cooper Institute, on Monday next, at 11 o'clock, A. M., to confer together, and to appoint a General Committee, with power to organize the benevolent purposes of all into a common movement. To make the meeting practical and effective, it seems proper here to set forth briefly the objects that should be kept in view. The form which woman's benevolence has already taken, and is likely to take, in the present crisis, is, first, the contribution of labor, skill, and money in the preparation of lint, bandages, and other stores, in aid of the wants of the Medical Staff; second, the offer of personal service as nurses. In regard to the first, it is important to obtain and disseminate exact official information as to the nature and variety of the wants of the army; to give proper direction and proportion to the labor expended, so as to avoid superfluity in some things and deficiency in others; and to this end, to come to a careful and thorough understanding with the official head of the Medical Staff, through a Committee having this department in hand. To this Committee should be assigned the duty of conferring with other associations in other parts of the country, and, especially, through the press, to keep the women of the loyal States everywhere informed how their efforts may be most wisely and economically employed, and their contributions of all kinds most directly concentrated at New York, and put at the service of the Medical Staff. A central depot would, of course, be the first thing to be desired. In regard to the second form of benevolence -the offer of personal service as nurses-it is felt that the public mind needs much enlightenDoc. 108.-ADDRESS TO THE WOMEN OF ment, and the overflowing zeal and sympathy NEW YORK, April 27, 1861. To the Women of New York, and especially to those already engaged in preparing against the time of Wounds and Sickness in the Army: THE importance of systematizing and concentrating the spontaneous and earnest efforts now making by the women of New York for the supply of extra medical aid to our army through its present campaign, must be obvious to all reflecting persons. Numerous societies, working without concert, organization, or head -without any direct understanding with the official authorities-without any positive in of the women of the nation a careful channel, not only to prevent waste of time and effort, but to save embarrassment to the official staff, and to secure real efficiency in the service. Should our unhappy war be continued, the army is certain to want the services of extra nurses, not merely on account of the casualties of the field, but of the camp diseases originating in the exposure of the soldiery to a strange climate and to unaccustomed hardships. The result of all the experience of the Crimean war has been to prove the total uselessness of any but picked and skilled women in this department of duty. The ardor and zeal of all other women should therefore be concentrated on finding, preparing, and sending bands of women, of suitable age, constitution, training, and temperament, to the army, at such points and at such times as they may be asked for by the Medical Staff. Mrs. R. M. Blatch ford, Mrs. L. W. Prudg. ham, Mrs. A. W. Brad. ford, Mrs. H. Webster, sant, Mrs. H. J. Raymond, A central organization is wanted, therefore, to which all those desiring to go as nurses may be referred, where a Committee of Examiners, partly medical and partly otherwise, may at once decide upon the fitness of the candidate. Those accepted should then at once be put under competent instruction and discipline, (for which it is understood a thorough school will be opened at once by the Medical Faculty of the city,) and, as occasion offers, the best prepared, in successive order, be sent, under proper escort, to the scene of war, as they are Doc. 109.-MESSAGE wanted. Mrs. S. L. M. Bar vaine, Mrs. N. Lawrence, Mrs. John Reid, Mrs. C. Newbold, Mrs. J. B. Collins, Mrs. J. C. Smith, Mrs. P. Spofford, Mrs. C. W. Field, Mrs. P. Townsend, Mrs. L. Baker, Mrs. L. M. Rutherford, Mrs. J. Auchin- Mrs. Charles King. closs, low, -N. Y. Tribune, April 27th. HICKS. BALTIMORE, April 27, 1861. GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF It is felt that all who want to go, and are fitted to go, should have in their turn a fair chance to do so, and are not unlikely to be wanted, sooner or later. Of these many may REPRESENTATIVES:-The extraordinary condibe rich and many poor. Some may wish to go at their own charges, and others will require to be aided as to their expenses, and still others for the loss of their time. But the best nurses should be sent irrespective of these distinctions, as only the best are economical on any terms. It will at once appear that, without a central organization, with proper authority, there can be no efficiency, system, or discipline in this important matter of nurses; and there can be no organization, to which a cheerful submission will be paid, except it originates in the common will, and becomes the genuine representative of all the women of New York, and of all the existing associations having this kind of aid in view. It is obvious that such an organization will require generous contributions, and that all the women of New York, and of the country, not otherwise lending aid, will have a direct opportunity of giving support to the object so near their hearts through the treasury of this common organization. To consider this matter deliberately, and to take such common action as may then appear wise, we earnestly invite the women of New York, and the Pastors of the Churches, with such medical advisers as may be specially invited, to assemble for counsel and action, at the Cooper Institute, on Monday morning next, at 11 o'clock. │tion of affairs in Maryland has induced me to exercise the constitutional prerogative vested in the Governor, to summon the Legislature in special session, in the hope that your wisdom may enable you to devise prompt and effective means to restore peace and safety to our State. I shall detail briefly the startling events which have induced me to summon you together, and which have so suddenly placed us in the state of anarchy, confusion, and danger, from which I sincerely trust you may be able to extricate us. Believing it to be the design of the administration to pass over our soil troops for the defence of the city of Washington, and fearing that the passage of such troops would excite our people and provoke a collision, I labored earnestly to induce the President to forego his purpose. I waited upon him in person, and urged the importance of my request. I subsequently communicated with him and his Cabinet by special dispatches, entreating an abandonment of his designs. To all my requests I could get but the reply that Washington was threatened with attack; that the Government had resolved to defend it; that there was no other way of obtaining troops than by passing them over the soil of Maryland, and that the military necessity of the case rendered it impossible for the Government to abandon its plans, much as it desired to avoid the dangers of a collision. My correspondence with the authorities at Washington is therewith submitted. The consequences are known to you. On Friday last a detachment of troops from Massachusetts reached Baltimore, and was attacked by an irresponsible mob, and several persons on both sides were killed. The Mayor and Police Board gave to the Massachusetts soldiers all the protection they could afford, acting with the utmost promptness and bravery. But they were powerless to restrain the mob. Being in Baltimore at the time, I coöperated with the Mayor to the fullest extent of my power in his efforts. The military of the city will be seen from the correspondence herewith submitted. These events have satisfied me that the War Department has concluded to make Annapolis the point for landing troops, and has resolved to open and maintain communication between this place and Washing for me to go more into detail. The documents accompanying this message places before you all the information possessed by me. I shall promptly communicate such other information as may reach me. Notwithstanding the fact that our most learned and intelligent citizens admit the right of the Government to transport its troops across our soil, it is evident that a portion of the people of Maryland are opposed to the exercise of that right. I have done all in my power to protect the citizens of Maryland, and to preserve peace within our borders. Lawless occurrences will be repeated, I fear, unless prompt action be taken by you. It is my duty to advise you of my own convictions of the proper course to be pursued by Maryland in the emergency which is upon us. It is of no consequence now to discuss the causes which have induced our troubles. Let us look to our distressing present and to our portentous future. The fate of Maryland, and perhaps of her sister border slave States, will undoubtedly be seriously affected by the action of your honors were ordered out to assist in the preservation | Washington, with a dispatch to the administraof the peace. The railroad companies were tion, advising that no more troops be sent requested by the Mayor and myself to transport through Maryland; that the troops at Annapno more troops to Baltimore city, and they olis be sent elsewhere, and urging that a truce promptly acceded to our request. Hearing of be offered with a view of a peaceful settlement the attack upon the soldiers, the War Depart- of existing difficulties by mediation. I sugment issued orders that no more troops would gested that Lord Lyons, the British Minister, pass through Baltimore city provided they be requested to act as mediator between the were allowed to pass outside its limits. Subse-contending parties. The result of the mission quently a detachment of troops were ascertained to be encamped at or near Cockeysville, in Baltimore county. On being informed of this, the War Department ordered them back. Before leaving Baltimore, Colonel Huger, who was in command of the United States arsenal at Pikesville, informed me that he had re-ton. In the brief time allowed, it is impossible signed his commission. Being advised of the probability that the mob might attempt the destruction of this property, and thereby complicate our difficulties with the authorities at Washington, I ordered Colonel Petherbridge to proceed with sufficient force and occupy the premises in the name of the United States Government, of which proceeding I immediately notified the War Department. On Sunday morning last I discovered that a detachment of troops, under command of Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler, had reached Annapolis in a steamer, and had taken possession of the practice-ship Constitution, which during that day they succeeded in getting outside of the harbor of Annapolis, where she now lies. After getting the ship off, the steamer laid outside the harbor, and was soon joined by another steamer having on board the Seventh Regiment, from New York city. Brigadier-General Butler addressed me, asking for permission to land his forces. It will be seen from the correspondence herewith submitted, that I refused my consent. The Mayor of Annapolis also pro-ble body. Therefore should every good citizen tested. But both steamers soon afterward landed and put off with the troops. Subsequently other large bodies of troops reached here in transports, and were landed. I was notified that the troops were to be marched to Washington. They desired to go without obstruction from our people, but they had orders to go to Washington, and were determined to obey those orders. In furtherance of their designs they took military possession of the Annapolis and Elk Ridge Railroad, in regard to which act I forwarded to Brigadier-General Butler the protest, and see the reply herewith submitted. On Wednesday morning the two detachments landed, and took up the line of march for Washington. The people of Annapolis, though greatly exasperated, acting under counsel of the most prudent citizens, refrained from molesting or obstructing the passage of the troops through the city. Seriously impressed with the condition of affairs, and anxious to avoid a repetition of events similar to those which had transpired in Baltimore, I deemed it my duty to make another appeal at Washington. Accordingly I sent a special messenger to bend all his energies to the task before us, and therefore should the animosities and bickerings of the past be forgotten, and all strike hands in the bold cause of restoring peace to our State and to our country. I honestly and most earnestly entertain the conviction that the only safety of Maryland lies in preserving a neutral position between our brethren of the North and of the South. We have violated no right of either section. We have been loyal to the Union. The unhappy contest between the two sections has not been commenced or encouraged by us, although we have suffered from it in the past. The impending war has not come by any act or any wish of ours. We have done all we could to avert it. We have hoped that Maryland and other border slave States, by their conservative position and love. for the Union, might have acted as mediators between the extremes of both sections, and thus have prevented the terrible evils of a prolonged civil war. Entertaining these views, I cannot counsel Maryland to take sides against the general Government until it shall commit outrages on us which would justify us in resisting OLINA AND VIRGINIA. BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF its authority. As a consequence, I can give no | Doc. 110.-BLOCKADE OF NORTH CARother counsel than that we shall array ourselves for Union and peace, and thus preserve our soil from being polluted with the blood of brethren. Thus, if war must be between the North and South, we may force the contending parties to transfer the field of battle from our soil, so that our lives and property may be secure. It seems to me that, independently of all other considerations, our geographical position forces us to this, unless we are willing to see our State the theatre of a long and bloody civil war, and the consequent utter destruction of every material interest of our people, to say nothing of the blood of brave men and innocent women and children, which will cry out from our soil for vengeance upon us, if we fail to do all that in us lies to avert the impending calamity. WHEREAS, for the reasons assigned in my proclamation of the 19th instant, a blockade of the ports of the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi and Texas, was ordered to be established; and whereas, since that date public property of the United States has been seized, the collection of the revenue obstructed, and duly commissioned officers of the United States, while engaged in executing the orders of their su periors, have been arrested and held in custody as prisoners, or have been impeded in the discharge of their official duties, without due legal process, by persons claiming to act under authority of the States of Virginia and North Carolina, an efficient blockade of the ports of these States will therefore also be established. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this 27th day By the President, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. -N. Y. Evening Post, April 29. Doc. 111.-SPEECH OF EDWARD EVER- The course I suggest has all the while been the sole groundwork of my policy; and but for the excitement prevailing among our people during the past few days, I believe the object I have kept steadily in view during my administration would have been consummated. If it has failed, I have the full consciousness that, throughout the whole of my harassing and painful incumbency of the gubernatorial chair, I have labored honestly and faithfully for the peace, the safety, and the interests of Maryland, and of our common country. This consciousness has fully sustained me in all my troubles, and has enabled me to endure patiently all the cruel, unmerited, and heartless attacks that have been made upon my integrity. I have also comfort in the conviction that my policy has been sustained by a large majority of the people, and nothing that has transpired since the recent lamentable occurrence within FELLOW-CITIZENS AND FRIENDS: The great our State has shaken that conviction. A mo- assemblage that I see around me, the simple mentary frantic excitement took the place of but interesting ceremonial with which the flag reason and good judgment, and men for the of our country has been thrown to the breeze, time threw aside all prudent thoughts of the the strains of inspiring music, the sweet concert future in the burning desire to avenge what of these youthful voices, the solemn supplicathey considered wrongs. I submit my suggestion of the reverend clergyman which still fills tions to your wisdom, and I appeal to you not only as devoted citizens of Maryland, but as husbands and fathers, to allow that prudence and Christianlike temper, so honorable to all. men, to guide your counsels; and I implore you not to be swayed by the passions which seem to be so fully aroused in our midst to do what the generations to come after us will ever deplore. In conclusion, gentlemen, I ask your indulgence, if I have omitted to present to you any other matter of interest in connection with the important subject which you are summoned to consider. The short time I have had in which to prepare this communication, and the turmoil and excitement around me, may have caused omissions; but, if so, they will be promptly supplied when indicated by you. T. HALLIDAY HICKS. our ears-all these proclaim the deep, patriotic sentiment, of which that flag is the symbol and expression. Nay, more, it speaks for itself. Its mute eloquence needs no aid from my lips to interpret its significance. Fidelity to the Union blazes from its stars; allegiance to the Government, beneath which we live, is wrapped within its folds. We set up this standard, my friends, not as a matter of idle display; but as an expressive indication that in the mighty struggle which has been forced upon us, we are of one heart and one mind, that the government of the country must be sustained. We are a law-abiding, quiet-loving community. Our time, our thoughts, our energies, are habitually devoted to the peaceful arts by which states grow and prosper; but upon an issue in which the life of the country is involved, we rally as one man to its defence. All former differences of opinion are swept away; we forget that we have ever been partizans; we remember only that we are Americans, and that our country is in peril. And what is it that has kindled this quiet and peace-loving community to the present unexampled excitement-a patriotic unanimity not witnessed even in 1776? Why is it, that the flag of the country-always honored, always beloved-is now, all at once, worshipped, I may say, with the passionate homage of this whole people? Why does it float, as never before, not merely from arsenal and masthead, but from tower and steeple, from the public edifices, the temples of science, the private dwelling, in magnificent display of miniature presentiment? Let Fort Sumter give the answer. When on this day fortnight, the 13th of April, (a day forever to be held in inauspicious remembrance, like the dies Alliensis in the annals of Rome,) the tidings spread through the land that the standard of United America, the pledge of her union, and the symbol of her power, for which so many gallant hearts had poured out their life-blood, on the ocean and the land, to uphold, had, in the harbor of Charleston, been, for a day and a half, the target of eleven fratricidal batteries, one deep, unanimous, spontaneous feeling shot with the tidings through the bosom of twenty millions of freemen, that its outraged honor must be vindicated. And oh, fellow-citizens, if, aloof as we are from the immediate danger of the conflict, sheltered in our comfortable homes, with the objects of our affection around us, we can refuse our support to the Constitution, the Laws, and the Government, in whose defence those seventy brave men, for thirty frightful hours, without sleep, almost without food, compelled to draw the breath of Heaven into their lungs through moistened handkerchiefs, stood faithful and undaunted beneath the iron storm bursting from above, and the raging fires around them, we shall deserve ourselves, on some disastrous day, to pass through a like fiery ordeal. -Boston Transcript, April 30. Doo. 112.-REINFORCEMENT OF FORT for, and as soon as it became dark we began General Jackson won the day At New Orleans, the people say; We ran as close to the shore as possible for us to do, came to anchor, and without a moment's delay, lowered the boats and filled them with troops. At 11 o'clock, Lieut. Albert N. Smith, of Massachusetts, being in command, they started on their mission, not knowing whether they were facing eternity, or whether they would live to see the light of another day. As they left the side of the vessel, many a "May God cause you to succeed," came from the lips of the loyal men by my side. If I live a thousand years, I shall not forget the feelings I had when I saw those brave fellows shake hands with all their old comrades, and, as a tear would now and then glisten in the gloom, but be instantly wiped away by a clenched hand, I felt they all knew their danger, and, knowing it, dared to face it with that true courage eminently worthy of all praise, and may they receive it! The party were instructed to send up signals should they be attacked, and I do assure you never were there keener eyes than ours on that eventful night, as we peered into the darkness, momentarily expecting to see a rocket pierce the midnight gloom; but none appeared. While we were thus anxiously awaiting some evidence of the success or non-success of their mission, a boat is hailed-a faint answer comes back, "Lieut. Smith and the boats' crews," and in whispering tones we hear the news, "they have been successful"-brother officers shake hands, and give Lieut. Smith that praise justly deserved by him. They went around inside of the harbor, passed under the guns of Forts McRae and Barrancas without being heard, and safely landed all the troops without interrup tion. This being so successfully accomplished, it was almost instantly concluded to attempt it U. S. STEAM SLOOP BROOKLYN, at anchor off again, and so orders were given that all the Pensacola Bar, Sunday, April 21, 1861. marines in the squadron should take to their HUZZA! We have done it. We have satis- boats, preparatory to being put into the fort; factorily settled one important question that this being quickly done, the steamer Wyandotte has long been agitating the public mind, and took them in tow, and towed them as far as she that is, whether we were able to reinforce Fort could go, where they left her, and pulled into Pickens or not. I have the great pleasure of the harbor, taking the same course the first assuring you this was accomplished between party had, and in good time reached the fort, the hours of 11 and 12 o'clock on the night of and safely landed all that were in the boats. Friday, the 12th inst., without the firing of a Just as day was breaking, we saw from our gun, or the spilling of one drop of blood. The deck the boats shoving off from the beach, and manner in which it was successfully done is when they returned to us, our anchor was inbriefly as follows: A bearer of dispatches ar- stantly "up," and we steaming to our old anrived from Washington during the day, bring-chorage, with very different sensations than we ing the orders we had so long anxiously looked had when we started for the work. Thus, you |