war may be a long one, but it is to be a victorious, the foundations of our institutions more firmly ceone to you. Some men ask, "Can we coerce them mented, and the blessings of liberty more certainly back into the Union?" I don't say we can, but we secured to ourselves and our posterity. Every mocan conquer them; and when we do so, every dollar tive that can influence men is present to us this day of property in those States shall be confiscated for love of honor and love of right-the history of the benefit of the great Northern army. Those fine the heroic past, the vast interests of the present and plantations shall belong to the Northern soldier, and the future of all the millions that for ages shall inwith Northern men we shall repeople those States. habit this continent. This may be bold talk, but it is true, and it is certain to take place. I am still for peace, if it can be had. We have waited with all patience for it. They have fired upon our flag, and we will never suffer it to be fired upon with impunity. We may as well let them know now as hereafter, that the reward we will mete out to them for their treason shall be, committing their homes to the flames, and their own carcasses to the eagles of America. (Cheers.) Our SPEECH OF DAVID DUDLEY FIELD. This is not a time for words, but for deeds. Union is assailed: that Union which was created after so many years of patient labor, of common suffering, and common glory. Our Constitution is defied that Constitution which Washington, Franklin, Madison, Hamilton, and their compatriots made, and which has served us so well in peace and in war. Our liberties are menaced: those liberties which we inherited from our brave and suffering fathers, and which we received as an inheritance to be transmitted intact to our children. The symbol of our country's strength and honor: that flag which our countrymen have borne over so many lands and seas, has been insulted and trampled. Our fortresses, arsenals, mints, custom-houses, hospitals, have been seized. The roads to our national capital have been obstructed, and our own troops, marching to its succor, molested and stopped; every form of contumely and insult has been used towards us. The foundations of Government and society are rocking around us. Truly, my fellow-citizens, this is no time for wordswe must act, act now, act together, or we are lost. This is no occasion to inquire into the causes of this awful state of things. All hands, all hearts, all thoughts, should be concentrated upon the one great object of saving our country, our Union, our Constitution-I had almost said, our civilization. fail in this great emergency, if we allow a single source of discord to intrude into our counsels, if we do not give to our glorious land, in this hour of its peril, our substance, our labors, and our blood, we shall prove ourselves most degenerate children. A great conspiracy has been forming and extending for many years to overthrow this Government; the people have only now believed its existence; it was something so monstrous as to be incredible, till an armed rebellion has overcome eight States, and seems to be spreading over more; a military despotism has obtained control of eight millions of people, and is knocking at the gates of the capital. Therefore arm yourselves; for this contest is to be decided by arms; let every man arm himself. None capable of bearing arms can be spared. It is not 30,000 that this State must get ready, but 300,000. Arm yourselves by land and sea; rally to the support of the Government; give your counsel and your strength to the constituted authorities, whom the votes of the people and the laws of the land have placed in power. Never give up. Never despair. Never shrink. And from this darkness and gloom, from the smoke and flame of battle, we shall, with God's blessing, come out purified as by fire, our love of justice increased, If we SPEECH OF JUDGE THOMPSON, FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN,-In 1832, the State of South Carolina attempted to nullify the action of the Federal Government upon the questions affecting our revenue laws. Fortunately, Andrew Jackson was then President of the United States. Himself the very impersonation of republican democracy, he was also at that period surrounded by loyal majorities in both the Senate and House of Representatives. In that emergency the old hero at once determined to defend the Constitution and uphold the laws. Both branches of Congress stood firmly by the side of the people's chosen chief, who proclaimed, in words which cannot die-"The Union must and shall be preserved!" (Tumultuous applause.) True, South Carolina had aided to swell the majority by which he was placed amongst the foremost rulers of the nations of the earth-nevertheless, his fidelity and patriotism, his devotion to the Constitution which he had sworn to support, raised him above the reach and beyond the stretch of mere party feeling, and prompted him to lose sight of everything that might tend to seduce him from the service of the country he loved so well. Thus it was that the prompt, statesmanlike, and energetic action of the Federal authorities in that memorable and trying crisis, most effectually suppressed the spirit of rebellion which then menaced the peace of the country and the stability of our cherished institutions; and the determined announcement of Jackson to preserve the Union at all hazards, was responded to by the united voice of every hamlet, village, town, and city throughout the limits of our blessed land. Since then Columbia's sons have ever made the heavens ring with music to the inspired words : Then a song for our Union-the watchword recall It made and preserved us a nation. The union of States none can sever; And the flag of our Union for ever and ever, The flag of our Union for ever!-(Great cheering.) After the lapse of thirty peaceful years-years of unexampled national prosperity-20,000,000 of freemen, in this hour of our country's peril, again are chaunting the magic words :— The flag of our Union forever and ever, The flag of our Union forever!-(Cheers.) The decisive and vigorous policy of the hero of New Orleans gave peace and harmony to the country at once, and proved to the world that whether fighting under Washington or Scott, against a foreign enemy, or under Jackson or Lincoln (cheers) against domestic foes, the people of this enlightened land have a government which is invincible against assaults and attacks, let them come from without or from within. The spirit of rebellion again rears its hideous head amongst the citizens of the sunny South; and as it was met by Jackson thirty years ago, so is it now being met by President Lincoln. (Cheers.) Now, as then, though we differ upon questions of domestic politics-whether we favor or oppress the internal doctrines and platforms upon which Jackson or Lincoln was elected-nevertheless, we are all agreed that "The Union must and shall be preserved!" The speaker proceeded in an eloquent strain, favoring the energetic enforcement of the laws, and the Constitution upon which they rest. He had always been a democrat, yet he would forget his party proclivities, and join heart and hand in the work of suppressing insurrection, and in vindicating the supreme majesty of the law. He closed by saying:-My heart's desire and prayer to high Heaven is, that as God was on the side of our fathers in the trying days of the Revolution, so may He now stand by the sacred cause of their sons in these days of disloyalty and rebellion! And now that the horrors of civil war are upon us, may the conflict continue till the deathrattle shall seize upon the palsied throat of dying Treason and Disunion! (Loud applause.) as has been justly observed, is a kind and beneficent one, and so kind and beneficent in its operation that we hardly knew that we lived under one. There was no restraint or restriction upon us, and we were not burthened by taxation. Let us teach our Southern brethren that they must yield to the requirements of the Constitution; that they must redress their grievances, if they have any, within the Constitution and according to the provisions calculated and approved of for their redress; and until they are willing to submit to that arbitration-until they are willing to bring their grievances and lay them before a jury of their country, before the people of the United States-I say, until that hour they are our enemies, and they must be treated as such. Now, fellow-citizens—and it lingers on my tongue in saying so— they are our enemies, and it is our duty to oppose them and compel them to conform to the principles of the Constitution. We have arrived at the hour of trial, and I ask you all to bear yourselves firmly in the struggle which is before us in meeting these men, who are freemen like yourselves. You must rememFELLOW-CITIZENS-What does all this mean. Is it ber at all times that we have but one object in view. that our Southern brethren have been trampled upon We must lay aside all selfish feelings, and struggle to and their rights invaded? (Cries of "No no.") Let accomplish that end which will best secure to us our me tell you, fellow-countrymen, what it is. Every liberties, and tend to secure the liberty of all manSouthern traitor hates a Northern working-man and kind. We would be recreants to ourselves-to the says that he should be a slave. They hate the man standard which history has given us-if we did not who works honestly for the support of his family, at this time come up as one man in the cause of our and say he ought to be a slave. They make war country. As I said before, every consideration should upon you because they want a despotic government be laid aside in support of the flag whose stripes deand power. They want to place the power in the note the past of our freedom, and whose stars show hands of a few. If they succeed they will build up the brightness of our future greatness. (Loud a military despotism. Next will follow an empire, cheers.) Press onward, fellow-countrymen, if necesand lords and ladies and an aristocracy will be the sary, but let it be done quickly. Let the spirit of our order. (Cries of "Never.") They say that we are ancestors-let the spirit of freedom in the Northcowards, that we won't say any thing in reply; but awaken. Let them come in as one man, and let be ready. (Immense applause and cheers.) us crush out this monster. (Vociferous cheers.) Yes, this monster rebellion, which seeks to find a lodgment among our people. (Cheers.) Press them out, I say. Press them out once, and do it well, and that will be their end. (Loud and continued cheers.) REMARKS OF EX-JUDGE PIERREPONT. SPEECH OF THOMAS C. FIELDS. FELLOW-CITIZENS-No sight could more enliven the heart of a man who would be true to his country, than the one which is now presented around this square to-day. It is in the city of New York that we find that every man lays aside his business and his prejudices and comes as an honest man to lay upon the altar of his country the offering he has for its defence. (Cheers.) I may say that the great heart of the city of New York throbs lively to-day when the news comes teeming from the telegraph that her citizen soldiers, her sons, have been impeded in their progress to the national capital by obstructions placed in the way by the rebels to our country, and traitors to the Constitution. Fellow-citizens, there is hardly one within the sound of my voice but must feel the responsibility which rests upon us as men and as citizens of this great metropolis of the nation. But let us not forget in this, the hour of trial to our country, there should be but one feeling amongst us, and that feeling of devotion, entirely the defence of our flag and the protection and perpetuity of our Government. Will it be said of us, the most enlightened nation on the face of the earth, that in this, the nineteenth century, we, within almost the period of a man's life, should be found ungrateful to the recollections of the past, unmindful of the present, and forgetful of the duty which we owe to our country? Believe it not, fellow-countrymen, that this country of ours is not to endure for more than the lifetime of a man. I believe that it has had a past history, and I tell you it is to have a future life. Why, this very Government, SPEECH OF W. J. A. FULLER. FELLOW-CITIZENS :-This is no time for set speeches. Fine phrases, rhetorical flourishes and rounded periods, are not what the people want. There is more eloquence in the words "I enlist" than in the combined utterances of all the orators in the nation. What man, by words, could inspire such military enthusiasm and ardent patriotism as did the roll of the drum and tread of the New York "Imperial Guard," the gallant Seventh, as it marched through our streets yesterday? But earnest words are necessary to incite the government to vigorous action. I am rejoiced at this opportunity of addressing you, because I can through the reported speech attempt to diffuse an energy into the government corresponding to the enthusiasm of the people. The Government has, by lying supinely on its back and hugging closely the delusive phantoms of concession and compromise, permitted treason to run riot in the land and bind it hand and foot. See with what delight the people hailed the first evidence of action. The proclamation of the President, which was a brave and good one, was issued on Monday morning last. Its effect upon a patient, forbearing, and long suffering people was like the blast upon Roderick's bugle horn-'twas worth a thousand men. It was like the presence of Napoleon at the head of his army, which the combined despots of Europe were wont to esti mate as a reinforcement of one hundred thousand men. It was the first trumpet-note of freedom. Its echoes reverberated among the hills of peaceful and happy New England, across the fertile valleys of the Susquehanna and the Genesee, and over the broad prairies of the West, sweeping them like their own destructive fires, until the dying cadences were lost, mingling with the peans of rejoicing that came answering back to us from that last and brightest star in liberty's greatest constellation. Never before was a Government so cordially sustained by the people. They have responded to this call upon their patriotism with a loyalty, a devotion and enthusiasm which has no parallel in history. Nobly have the people done their duty. It remains for the Government to do theirs-to do the will of the people. The paper blockade is well. Let the Government see that it immediately becomes efficient, especially at the mouth of the Mississippi. Let the Government forever discard its "do little and drift along" policy, and give the people action, action-prompt, vigorous, energetic, crushing, bloody, and decisive. Let it quit searching musty law tomes for precedents. Make precedents. The idea of the government being harnessed down by the iron bands of formula and delay when dealing with revolutionists, traitors, and rebels, is criminal and absurd. Inter arma leges silent. When Gen. Jackson threatened to hang Calhoun, he was told by his Attorney-General that there was no law for it. His reply was, "If you can't find law for me, I will appoint an Attorney-General who can." If the Government will adopt a vigorous policy the law for every thing it does will be found in the hearts of the people. The eyes of the people are upon the Government. They cannot wait its tardy action. They will reward energy, and will hold it to a strict accountability for imbecility. The war will be short and decisive; or long, disastrous, and without permanent results, unless the Government does its whole duty. The time for defensive warfare has passed, and the time for aggressive action has come. The strongest defence is counter attack. Carry the war literally into Africa, by marching upon Virginia. Liberate the Africans, if need be, to crush out this most unnatural rebellion. Take military control of all the avenues leading to Washington, north, south, east, and west. In Baltimore are loyal men, but if they are not strong enough to quell the rebels in their midst, the government must do it for them. The transit through Baltimore must be kept unobstructed, even if it be necessary to lay the city in ashes and inscribe upon its monuments:-"Here stood the Monumental City." If the government yields to the clamors of a mob or even to the 66 urgent requests" of the Mayor and Governor not to send troops through the city, it will lose the hearty confidence and support of the people which it now enjoys, and be disgraced in the eyes of the nation and the world. Suppose a request had been made to the Emperor Napoleon under similar circumstances, would he have heeded it? He would have said, as he did when somewhat similarly placed, "My soldiers want bread and wine; if you do not supply it immediately, I will." It is hardly necessary to add, that the provisions were supplied. The Government should at once plant batteries along the entire southern bank of the Potomac, and not wait for the rebels to do it, and point their cannon against the capital. It should lay in ashes those cities, whether on the sea-coast or in the interior, whose citizens attempt, in any way, to interfere with our navy or our army in the execution of the commands of the Government. The mails South should all be stopped. The telegraph, railroad, and every leading avenue of communication to the South should be under a military control sufficiently strong to stop all communication. The rebels should be left in outer darkness, to wrangle and fight among themselves. Cairo should at once be made a military post. Not a word of intelligence, not a pound of provisions, no supplies of any kind, should be permitted to pass the military border which the Government ought immediately to establish. In short, all transit and communication of every kind southward should be stopped. But I will not enlarge upon suggestions as to the policy of the Government. I only wish that it may know that the people demand action. Deeds, not words, are what the people now expect. The flag which is the emblem of their nationality has been derided, defied, trampled upon, and trailed in the dust by traitors. The honor of that flag must be sustained; the insult must be washed out in blood. Nothing else can restore its tarnished lustre. A flag is the representation of history, the emblem of heroic daring and of brave deeds. The associations of a flag alone make it sacred. Who sees the tri-color of France, without thinking of Napoleon and the army of Italy, of Marengo and Austerlitz, of Moscow and Waterloo? No man can read of the strife of Lexington and Concord, whose heart does not thrill with emotion at this glorious baptism of the Stars and Stripes. No man can see the banner of the republic, now waving in triumph from Bunker's height, and not with startled ear and glowing breast hear the din of the conflict, behold the fierce repulse of advancing squadrons, and the flames of burning Charlestown. No man, even from the sunny South, can be at Saratoga, and not tread with exultant step and throbbing heart the ground where the Star-spangled Banner first successfully rolled back the tide of British power and aggression. No man can think of that sacred emblem trailing in blood through the snows of Valley Forge, or across the frozen Delaware, or amid the swamps of Carolina, and not weep that the patriotism of the Jaspers, the Sumters, and the Marions, no longer burns upon their native altars; and so through the long and dark hours of that dreary struggle—the gallant defence of Moultrie, at Cowpens and Eutaw Springs-at a "time which tried men's souls," when the strong became weak, the hopeful despondent, the bold grew timid, and the tattered ensign seemed but a funereal pall or winding-sheet to envelop the nakedness of a forlorn cause, until it covered, as with a brilliant mantle of glory and redemption, the new-born republic at Yorktown-that sacred flag was upborne on many a hard-fought field, and carried in triumph through many an unequal contest. Although not yet in the prime of manhood, I have roamed much in my day; and wherever I have been, any association that awakened recollections of the land of my birth was peculiarly pleasing. But especially were my feelings kindled into enthusiasm when that silent appeal was made to my patriotism, by beholding "the gorgeous ensign of the republic," so long "known and honored throughout the world." When I gazed upon its ample folds, floating to the breeze, and spreading the broad wings of its protection over our citizens in remotest seas, I felt a thrill of pleasure which experience only can know, and which language would fail to describe. I have seen its Stars and Stripes waving in Polar seas, and beheld its graceful folds fluttering in the light winds of torrid climes; and, at home or abroad-ashore or afloat-on the | duced, and received with great cheering. Soon after stormy seas of high latitudes, or beneath the summer being presented, they retired from the platform. skies of the tropics-whenever and wherever my eyes have beheld that flag, I have gazed upon it with feelings of exultation and of pride, and thanked God, from the bottom of my heart, that I was an American citizen. I love, more than ever, that Star-spangled Banner," now that a few of its stars are temporarily obscured; May it continue to wave O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave: To achieve this consummation so devoutly to be wished, the rebels and traitors who have defied and insulted that flag must be taught a severe lesson. In the name of God and humanity-in the name of that God above us, laying His requirements upon us, and in the name of that humanity around us, bound to us by a relationship which nothing can sever or annul, the people call upon the Government to make this lesson of rebellion short, terrible, and lasting. The meeting on Stand No. 5 was organized by the unanimous appointment of Egbert Benson, Esq., as Chairman, and Thos. Williams as Secretary. JOSEPH P. SIMPSON, Esq., was then introduced as the first speaker, and received with loud applause. He said : FELLOW-CITIZENS-I am very proud to be here before you on this important and momentous occasion. I am proud that you are here, for I believe you are friends to your country, friends to this noble Union of ours. In the war of 1812 I was in the active service of our country, and I performed all the duty that was required of me there. (Cheers.) I had a brother who was on board of Commodore McDonough's ship, on the beautiful Lake Champlain, and who fought bravely and successfully in vindication of the cause of freedom. (Applause.) I sec before me here to-day, in this vast assembly, many who are hard-working men. Let me say to you, my friends, that I can sympathize with you all, for I have been a hard-working man myself. More than sixty-four years ago I went an apprentice-boy into a workshop to earn my living. Therefore I know what it is to be a working man; I can feel for a man who has to work for his living; and I tell you, that in order to secure a living, we must sustain our country. (Cheers.) There is no better nation upon earth than this nation. There is no people that have secured such liberty, and privileges, and blessings, as this people have enjoyed. And now, what is it, fellow-citizens, that brings us here? Oh, my heart bleeds, my spirit mourns, that I have lived to see the day when a reckless, unthinking, and-I hate to say the word-a disloyal people, a people who are untrue to their country, have raised their arms against the liberty of this great nation. I say, fellow-citizens, stand firm by your country. At this point a tremendous excitement among the crowd, and shouts of "Cheers for the hero of Fort Sumter!" announced that Major Anderson was approaching. Accompanied by Simeon Draper and Superintendent Kennedy, he was conducted upon the stand, and introduced to the vast assembly amid the wildest enthusiasm. Subsequently, Captain Foster and Dr. Crawford, from Fort Sumter, were also intro Mr. SIMPSON resumed:-I know, my friends, that I am not so much an object of interest as that noble man, Major Anderson, who well deserves all the honor that is accorded him. Let me say to you, continue to love the Stars and Stripes as you have loved that noble ensign in the past. It is that flag which has floated, and now floats over this nation, and which has carried its fame to every sea and every land. So I say, fellow-citizens, cleave to the Stars and Stripes. (Cries of "We will.") And further, let me say, look out for traitors among us, who would sell their birthright for a mess of pottage. (Cries of "Yes, yes.") Stand by the honor of your country and your country's flag, and, if needs be, buckle on your armor, and go forth to defend it against any and all assailants, let them come from whatever quarter they may; and, old as I am-seventy-four years of age-I am ready to go with you. (Cheers.) SPEECH OF GEN. APPLETON, OF MASSACHUSETTS. (Ap This mighty gathering of the patriotic citizens of the great city of New York speaks in no equivocal language. It is not in my power to give it greater significance. It is meet that you should thus assemble; it is fit and proper that the multitudes of this great city should convene together to consult upon matters concerning the public welfare. Every thing dear to humanity, every thing dear to our social relations, every thing important touching our past history and our national concerns, is involved in the issue now before the country. (Cheers.) It is, my friends, a matter most deeply to be deplored, that a country so vast in its territory, so great in all its resources, so grand in the glorious liberty which Heaven has vouchsafed to it, should be placed in peril. But such is the fact. The stability of our national Govcrnment, the very existence of our country, is threatened. Because, if you have no Constitution, you have no country that is worth defending. plause.) What is liberty without law, without order? I know full well that those States which have seceded pretend that they had a right to withdraw from the Union, and to assert their separate independence. Well, if that be true, if States have the right to go off at their own will and pleasure, then the position which we assume that the Union is indivisible, is wrong, and we have no right to interfere with them. But mark you, my friends, is not our Government a Government of the people of the whole country? (Cries of "Yes," "Yes.") Why did our fathers undertake to establish our present Constitution? It was because, under the old Confederation, there was such a variety of interests in the several States, that there could be no harmonious action for the benefit of the whole country; and so those wise and patriotic statesmen of our earlier history assembled together for the purpose of forming a more perfect Union, and establishing a better form of Government, which should be a Government over the whole country, free and independent. It was the work of the people of if the Government which was then established, if the all the separate States. And let me say to you, that Constitution which was then formed, contemplated any such contingency as the withdrawal of a portion of the people, then all the work of our fathers in framing that Constitution was a farce, and amounted to nothing practical at all. (Applause.) But the fact remains true, that this is one Government, one and indivisible. (Cheers.) If such were not the are (A Voice, "Traitors.") 117 "And stand by it?")—and shall the Government be Mr. APPLETON-Yes, they are traitors, and were guilty of a crime of the greatest atrocity. Although I did not come forward to claim your attention for any great length of time, when I know there are other speakers better qualified to interest you, there is one fact to which I wish to advert, that tends to aggravate the criminality of those States which have seceded from the Union. It is this: At the time they seceded, our country was in a state of the great-cause more important, than in the former war to est prosperity; therefore there was no reason which would satisfy any rational mind to justify that act. Had we not sustained the transportation of the mails in those States? Had we not built the forts within their limits, and in every way provided for their defence, and, in the case of some, actually purchased their territory? It was under these circumstances, so aggravating, so unprovoked, so unjustifiable, that they have gone off; and now it devolves upon all the people of our land to lend their influence, their lives, their sacred honors-to use all the means in their power to perpetuate our Constitution and our Government. (Cheers.) Remember, my friends, that you have inherited from your fathers a glorious legacy; you have inherited from them a Constitution which is justly considered the most glorious upon earth. To these young men before me who have inherited these glorious privileges, who have inherited the liberty they so richly enjoy, let me say, when the occasion occurs, lend your personal effort, lend your strength and vigor, lend your lives, if need be, to preserve the honor and integrity of your country. (Cheers.) These old men upon this platform have all served their country in her hour of trial in the past (cheers)-and they now call upon you to unite in her defence at the present moment of her peril. War, I know, is a great evil; but there are other It were better that we evils greater than war. should perish, than see our glorious country destroyed forever. O, think of it! The loss of our rich inheritance, the loss of all the glorious privileges and liberties we enjoy! Let us all unite, then, in saying, in the language of John Adams, "Live or die, sink or swim, we go for our country and for its blessed liberties." (Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN here rose, and said that beautiful and inspiring air, "The Star-Spangled Banner". (cheers)-would now be sung, and he hoped all who could would join in the chorus. The song was then sung by thousands of voices in the most enthusiastic and thrilling manner. SPEECH OF C. H. SMITH, (Loud cheering, which lastFELLOW-COUNTRYMENed for several minutes.) Fellow-countrymen-for on this occasion I know of no one here but my fellowIt countrymen-we are assembled to-day in the glorious cause of our country. (Cheers.) There is no question of politics to-day to divide you and me. makes no difference where you or I was born, though I hail this city as my birthplace, and you may have been born in old Ireland, or in Germany. (Loud cheers.) They had assembled in one common brotherhood, to take measures for the protection of that glorious old flag which had been borne through the Revolution of '76, baptized in the blood of our fore(Applause.) I tell you, my fathers, and sacred to the memory of liberty and popular institutions. countrymen, to-day, that this is no child's play. It is a question of manhood, of freedom, of liberty, and of popular Government. (Cheers.) The quesassailed us for the last fifty years-by those who, the tion is, Shall we be overridden by those who have very moment their hands are taken from the public He said that in the year 1812, this great nation pocket, presume to insult our flag, and try to conreposed in quiet. They then had their commerce quer us? Shall we submit to that? (Loud cries of "No, no.") We are not men if we submit to it. shut out from any foreign power, an armament of vessels on the ocean, besides thousands of adopted We would deserve to be what they have driven all He had been their lives-black slaves-if we submit to it. We Bravo! (Several voices, citizens. Well, the war ensued. everywhere in that war with General Scott-(cheers) won't submit to it. -consequently he had seen the Stars and Stripes bravo!") We won't submit; and to-day the comfloating proudly in the breeze, enveloped in smoke, mon sentiment that thrills the common heart of the while the shot from cannons knocked the earth from North is, Our country and our country's flag. (Trebeneath their feet. (Applause.) But now the ques-mendous cheering.) Born on this island, which contion was, Shall we have a Government?-(A voice, tains to-day one million of souls, in all the pride of SPEECH OF MR. ABBOTT. Mr. ABBOTT, a veteran of 1812, was next introduced to the multitude, who received him with loud demonstrations of applause. 66 |