song. We are in the midst of revolution-not the revolution of the rhetorician, invoked to swell his periods, and to impress an audience; but the revolution of facts, the revolution of war. We have assembled to resist its wild career, and, if possible, to restore a distracted country once more to the authority of law and to the peace of orderly and constitutional government. To such an effort we summon the assistance of all good men. To such an effort we bring our party predilections and political associations, and sacrifice them all in the presence of our countrymen upon the altar of our common country. To such an effort we devote our energies and our means, all the while hoping and acting for the restoration of peace and the reunion of a severed confederacy; but still remembering that should the unhappy time arrive when final separation becomes inevitable, our affections and our efforts are due to the geographical section to which we belong-that our future is inseparable from the future of the North. (Cheers.) In the mean time the path of duty and honor conducts in but one direction-consists with but one course. It brings us, one and all, to the support of the government, the maintenance of the constitution, and the execution of the laws. (Applause.) Thousands are they who tread therein, and their motto is our country, and our whole country-in every event our country. (Loud cheering.) SPEECH OF HIRAM KETCHUM. FELLOW-CITIZENS :-Whoever attempts to address his fellow-citizens at this time should, in my judgment, well weigh and consider the words that he utters. They should not be words of irritation or of anger, but words which indicate a settled purpose and determination. Our first duty, my fellow-citizens, on this occasion, is to banish all thoughts of difference between ourselves. (A voice, "Good.") We are to forget that we have had any controversy among ourselves. (A voice, "They are forgotten.") We must come up as one united people. (A voice, "So we will.") And for what should we be united? My fellow-citizens, the great principle which lies at the foundation of our institutions is that the people are capable of self-government, that the majority of the people must rule. (Cheers for the people.) That their will, constitutionally expressed, is the law of the land: that the minority must submit to the majority. (Applause, and "That is so.") It is upon that principle, my fellow-citizens, that our whole institutions of liberty rest. It is that principle, for which the flag of our country is the emblem, and it is upon that principle that we must take our stand. That is the Fort Sumter which we must defend. (Applause.) We must resist to the death if necessary, all who would assail or attempt to destroy the principle of popular liberty. (Applause.) It is that principle which our fathers through the Revolution maintained, through a war of seven years, which they established by the formation of the constitution under which we live. It is that principle which has attracted to our shores thousands and millions of persons from foreign countries to come here, and they have sworn allegiance to this government, to this constitution. They will never violate that oath-the millions who have come here from foreign lands. (Cheers.) Yes, there are multitudes here who have taken that oath. There are millions in this country who have taken that oath. (A voice, "And will keep it, too.") They have taken it upon the Evangelists of Almighty God, they have taken it upon the cross, and they will stand by it. (A voice, "We will.") And do you suppose that it is less obligatory upon them than it is upon us, who have sucked in that obligation with our mothers' milk? ("Good," and applause.) Now, my friends, I am going to show you, before I sit down, that the war now is in defence of that principle. The assault is upon that principle. The batteries of the enemy are directed against the principle of popular government-the principle that the people shall rule by the majorities; and that I propose, in a very few words, to demonstrate to you before I take my seat. Now, my friends, what are the facts? We have lately had an election of President and Vice-President of the United States. There were those among us-and I was of that number-that did not wish to see the Republican party prevail. Every ward and every election district in this city signified its wish that the Republican party should not prevail. Now, our fellow-citizens at the South have, therefore, supposed that they could rely upon the city of New York to sympathize with them in their rebellion. ("No, never.") What was the principle? We came up to say—“ All your grievances can be redressed in the Union and under the Constitution and at the ballot-box." We gave a fair trial, and we were defeated; and what then? Did we justify anybody to go outside of the Constitution-("No")-and to break up the Government? Have we not been defeated time and again? I have been defeated; my party has been defeated time and again. I have known what it was to be defeated when I advocated Henry Clay as President of the United States, and I have known what it was to shed scalding tears over that defeat. But did we authorize him to rebel against my country? ("No.") Has it not been our practice, my fellow-citizens, I submit to you, to have free discussion, free press, and an animated and free canvass? But when the question was settled, the minority always submitted. Is not that American law? ("Yes, and it will be.") Have you not seen parties come here time and again at the polls, angry, severe, and anxious, and have you not seen them the next day, after the ballot was counted, shake hands? (Laughter and applause.) That is American law. ("Yes, it is.") That is American feeling. ("That's so.") We say, "We got beat, and we, as the minority, yield. At the next election we will try you again." (Applause.) That is our law; and now, when I went into this last canvass, and tried, as did, according to the best of my ability, to defeat the election of Abraham Lincoln,-(" And so did I,")believing that the success of that party would be injurious to the country, when it was over, and I was defeated, what remained but to give up, to submit to the majority of the people, and to sustain the President who was elected by the majority, (applause ;) and had I any thought that those people with whom I was acting were going to rebel against the Government, I never would have acted with them for one moment. ("No, nor I.") The three hundred and twenty thousand men in the State of New York, who came up and voted with the South, never would have voted with her if they had supposed that these men were going to rebel against the Government of the country. ("That is so!" "Bravo!" Applause.) Now, my friends, what do we hear? Why, when the election is over, they who have entered the contest and had the fight have had a fair chance at the ballot-box, have had a fair controversy in the canvass. And what do they say? Because we have not succeeded, we will break up this Government. ("They cannot do it!" "Never!") | but they must break away from this Union; they This glorious Government, this Government which must destroy this Government, and now what comes has stood more than seventy years, and brought to pass? We now find that this is the result of a such prosperity and such blessings upon the people conspiracy; a conspiracy which has been formed as was never known in the history of the world-secretly for years by designing political men to over("That's so")-which has enabled us to prosper- turn the Government of this country. ("That is which has built up this great city—which has founded so.") Now let us see. I have said that they mean institutions of learning, and schools, and benevolent to overthrow popular Government, let us see if I institutions, and enabled the poor man to educate his cannot prove it. They have attempted to form a children, and to grow up and be somebody in the Government; they have attempted to form a Union. land-these institutions are now to be crushed. And They have made a Constitution; have they submitted why? Because they did not succeed at an election. it to the people? ("No, they dare not.") When Is that the talk? ("No.") What would Henry Clay the Constitution of the United States was formed, have said to his followers if they had said, We have what was the process? ("It was submitted to the not elected you, and now we will break up the na- people.") The process was this, my friends: A contion? He would have said, Get out of my sight. vention met and formed this Constitution; a convenWhat would Jackson or anybody have said? What tion properly chosen met and formed it, and then would any American have said, because we have not this Constitution was reported to the Congress of the succeeded in this election, we will go out of the United States. Then the Congress ordered the peoUnion? Will that do? ("No.") Well, now, gen-ple in each State to choose representatives and to tlemen, these people have made war upon this great, form conventions; and then the Constitution was to this cherished, this glorious principle, which has thus be submitted to these conventions, debated freely far conducted us to renown, to the happiness which without fear; and then, and not till then, until the we now enjoy, and made our flag, which is the em- will of the people had been ascertained-not till blem of this principle, known, respected, honored then, did it become the Constitution of the people of and feared all over the civilized world, and has never the United States. That is the way that the Constibeen dishonored except by these rebels. (Great ap- tution under which we live, which we have sworn to plause.) Now, my friends, what I want is that you defend, was formed. It is the Constitution of the shall every man this day take the oath inwardly in people, made by the whole people for the whole of your own consciences that you will maintain this the people, and can only be abolished and altered in principle of republican liberty. (Applause.) That the way that the people themselves have directed in is the fortress. That flag (pointing to the American the instrument itself. Now, what is the other course? flag) is the emblem of republican liberty; and you, They rush into a convention hastily and in a passion, my fellow-citizens of foreign birth, who have sworn and, after a heated conflict, they rush into a convento support the Constitution, and you, my fellow-citi- tion. They send delegates, and these delegates meet, zens, born on the soil, who are equally bound to sup- form a Constitution without having any power given port that Constitution, I want you to stand up for the to them, because the question simply was, "Shall we principle for which our fathers fought for seven years secede?" They met, they formed a convention, and -for the principle that the people are capable of they made a new Constitution, and there are efforts self-government, and that the majority shall rule. made to have it submitted to the people, and they And now let us see what has been done on the other won't submit it to the people; they have never subside. They tell you that they have the right of revo- mitted it to the people; they dare not submit it to lution. Every people, when oppressed beyond en- them. It is not the people's Government. They do durance, have a right of revolution. When the not mean to have a people's Government. They people of this country were oppressed by Great mean to have a military despotism which shall rule Britain, they exercised the right of revolution; but the people. ("That's so." Applause. 'Never.") what did they do first? They saw that there were And now, my friends, there are thousands and tens no other means of redress but by revolution. Then of thousands of good Union men in these very States our friends at the South, whom some of us here have which profess to have seceded. There are thousands aided to redress their grievances, can they say that and tens of thousands there who think as you and I their grievances, such as they complain of, cannot be think here to-day, but they dare not utter their senti. redressed without a revolution? ("No.") Why, ments. They would be hanged by the neck if they my friends, at this very election which made Abra- uttered their sentiments. They would be put down ham Lincoln President of the United States, the very by villains; and now it is for their sake as well as people that put that party into power in the execu- ours, it is for the sake of the liberty of this Union, tive department of the country, put the majority and and for the liberty of the people, that we contend the representatives of the people in both branches of this day. (Great cheers.) Now, my friends, there the Legislature in the hands of the opposition. are those who will follow me, but let me leave this ("That is so.") They would have had, if they had impression strong on your minds, that we make no stayed in the House of Representatives, now to come war, we have not been the aggressors. We stand by into existence, thirty majority, and they would have the Constitution and the principles of our fathers. had a majority in the Senate. They would have had, We stand by popular liberty; we stand by the right as they have, the Supreme Court on their side; and of the people to make their own laws by the majority now, my friends, what could they complain of? of their votes, and that is the principle which they ("Nothing.") Some of us believe that when the have attacked and which they mean to destroy, and four years commenced they would have had a major- which, by the blessing of God, we mean to defend to ity if they had only given the time, and only given the last-(great applause)-defend in argument, dethe room for free discussion; but they could not fend in the press, defend on the stump, defend with wait. Having majority in the branches of the our lives. (Tremendous applause.) Fellow-citizens, Legislature, if the President had done what he said I leave the subject. I leave you to contemplate upon he was going to do, they could have restrained him; it. I leave you to decide whether this Government shall stand for the benefit of mankind-for the bene- | this great rebellion. Twenty-five hundred men apfit of our posterity-for the benefit of those who may seek the blessings of liberty from foreign shores, I leave you to decide. With you, with the people themselves, it is to determine this great question, and I cannot doubt what will be the determination. We will stand by our Constitution and our laws, and we will enforce our Constitution and our laws (Applause.) SPEECH OF HENRY J. RAYMOND. Fellow-Americans and brethren, in the cause of human liberty I never felt more at a loss for words, I never felt more the poverty of human language, than at this moment. But what need that I should say any thing to you, when the occasion speaks trumpet-tongued to every American heart? While armed rebellion is upon us, and while responsive echoes come from every loyal heart-while blood of loyal citizens has been shed in the Monumental City for no other crime than because they were on their way to defend the capital of the republic from lawless invasion-what need of words, then, while events like these are around us? There is but one sentiment abroad, and there is no need of appeal, for every heart beats responsive to the demands of the Constitution and the liberties which that Constitution secures and protects. We live and have been living in an age of revolution. Europe has rocked to and fro and surged under the tread of armed men, fighting for what? To beat down oppressive Governments that warred upon human rights and trampled their people under foot. Here on this continent, where liberty is in the possession of the Government, where human rights are respected, where the laws and the Constitution are made by the people-here on this continent we find treason and rebellion rampant. What is the spectacle presented to us to-day? Armed rebellion aiming to overthrow and tread under foot the Constitution and Government of the country. For what purpose? To vindicate human rights? No! Human rights are safe with the Government. This is a Government of the people, and cannot overthrow the liberties it fosters and protects, for our liberties rest in the hearts of the people, and the people themselves are the rulers of the nation. And now what our duty is in this emergency, is the only question asked, and in considering that we need no arguments and no party appeals. I, fellow-citizens, helped to put this Government into power; but God destroy me at once if I would not, the moment the Administration proved hostile to the Constitution, desert it and make way with it. We ask but one thing of the Administration-that it protect the Government committed to its care. We demand that of them; and if they do not perform that duty, we will put off from them. (Cheers.) Why, the Government of the country is but the agent of the people; and if the Government cannot defend the liberties of the people, the people will prove able to take care of their own liberties. (Applause.) The capital of our country is in danger. (Cries of "No.") Yes, in a danger that I fear we do not sufficiently appreciate which I fear that the Government does not properly appreciate or understand. What is the state of the case to-day? Virginia, the mother of statesmen, and the mother of traitors too. (Cheers.) Virginia has long been pretending to be holding back in this crisis, and standing aloof from the contest, for the purpose of restoring peace. But what is the fact as now manifested? She stands forth at the head of peared yesterday at Harper's Ferry, not to find muskets which Floyd had intended for their use, thank God, but to take possession of the useless armory. And where did they come from? They came from Richmond. And with what purpose? To arm themselves, and to arm some fifteen thousand other Secessionists, and then to take the capital of Washington on the rear. (Cheers.) Need I call upon you to go to the rescue? (Cries of "We will.") That is the talk; that is the duty of American freemen. We are not to stand here urging action, while the Constitution is in danger, and the capital of the republic threatened with flames. If we consider our liberties worth preserving-if we have any veneration for the Constitution-if the memory of Washington is still enthroned in our hearts as the founder of our liberties-let us be up and doing. (Cheers.) Let me give you this piece of information: I understand since I came here that General Scott has sent word to this city that the capital is in danger, and that volunteers are wanted, orders or no orders. (Enthusiastic cries of "We will all go, every man of us.") Now, I have another piece of information to give you, that the steamer Baltic will be at the wharf tomorrow morning to take as many volunteers as may choose to go. (Loud cheers.) The people have resolved that the Government shall be preserved, and they must and shall preserve it. At this time the speaker was interrupted by many voices crying out-"At what time will the Baltic leave?" Mr. RAYMOND-At 10 o'clock, I learn, from the foot of Canal street. (Three cheers were given for General Scott, and three for the Baltic.) Fellow-citizens, I believe that we have a Government at Washington on which we can rely, and worthy of preserving. If the Government proves false to the country, why, we will drive them from their places, and put men in their places who will take care of the Government. Thousands will rise and rush to the rescue of the capital, and to keep it from the possession of the rebels who have made piracy their watchword, and who commenced their present work with plunder, and who have adopted as a basis of their action and of their power, plunder and arson, and with the weapons stolen from the Government have aimed an assassin blow at the heart of the republic. What we want is, that a terrible blow be struck, and that it will be felt by those who have strongly provoked it. They have already ascertained that they cannot longer trust to one great hope they had in their enterprise. They had counted confidently on the divis ions of the North. They believed that they would be perfectly safe in marching an army to Washington, and that in doing so they would receive support from this city. This reliance of theirs only shows them now how little they understood what the Amer ican heart is made of, whether that heart beats in the city of New York or in the Western prairies. It shows they know nothing of liberty, or the impulses of liberty. It shows that they know nothing of the attachment of the people to the Government-to that Government under which we have grown great, and mighty, and prosperous-a Government which gave to the South itself its only title to consideration among the nations of the earth. I have nothing further to say but what I have already announced, that the Baltic sails to-morrow; and I trust that you will all rush to the rescue, and preserve the capital, and prevent its falling into the hands of the barbarians— on. (laughter and cheers)-who threaten to destroy it. was to be carried out against the will of the people, The South may rest assured that the enterprise under- State Conventions have always been the convenient taken by her cannot succeed, and cannot long run instrument used, for they assumed to be the repreThey will learn that it is one thing to take a sentatives of the people, and having sovereign power, people and a Government by surprise, but that it is did just as they pleased. Take the case of Virginia. quite another thing to wage a war of despotism over The Convention was elected by the people to stand thirty millions of people. What have the Secession- by the Union; yet it goes into secret session, and ists done towards huinan liberty? What sort of a then resolves to make an attack upon the national Government have they established? A Government capital, to seize the seat of Government, and to burn of force, a Government of despotism. Jefferson down the bridges between Baltimore and PhiladelDavis is to-day as pure and as unmitigated and com- phia. Maryland had no such standpoint for rebelplete a despot over those he rules, as any who sits lion-she stood firm, and Governor Hicks has held upon any throne of Europe. (Applause, and cries the State to its moorings in the Union, and he deof "That's so." Three groans were then given for served the thanks of the North. Governor Hicks Davis.) If he gets possession of Washington-(cries had said that he would endeavor to prevent the pasof "Don't you be alarmed at that ")-if he is allowed sage of troops, simply that he might, in that way, to form a Government, it will be such a Government prevent needless bloodshed, while, at the same time, as the people will have as little to do with as possi- he would not interfere with measures necessary for ble. (Cries of "He can't do that.") No; but if he the defence of the capital. A message has just been gets possession of the capital, one hundred thousand put into my hands, stating that the President had men will rush to the rescue and sweep rebellion from conceded that no more troops should be brought the headquarters of the Government. He (Davis) through Maryland, if Governor Hicks would pledge will find that the heart of the American people is the State not to interfere with the passage of troops irrevocably fixed upon preserving the republic. up the Potomac-thus leaving a quiet path to Wash(Cheers.) I heard an anecdote to-day from Major ington by water. I trust in Heaven that before three Anderson-(cheers for Anderson)-which may inter- days, aye, before two days, that at least 50,000 men est you, and at the same time illustrate this position. will be concentrated at the capital of the country to During the attack on Fort Sumter, a report came here protect it from the hands of traitors. (Cheers, and that the flag on the morning of the fight was half- cries of "What about the Seventh Regiment?") mast. I asked him if that was true, and he said They were in Philadelphia this morning, and it was there was not a word of truth in the report. He determined that they would be sent on by water; said that during the firing one of the halyards was but I believe the Seventh kicked against it, and were shot away, and the flag in consequence dropped down anxious to go through Baltimore. (Immense cheera few feet. The rope caught in the staff, and could ing.) The Seventh Regiment, they would recollect, not be reached, so that the flag could not be either paid a visit to Baltimore, at which time they received lowered or hoisted; and, said the Major, "God the courtesies and hospitalities of their fellow-soldiers Almighty nailed that flag to the flagmast, and I there, and they were anxious to see whether these could not have lowered it if I tried." (Immense same men had become their enemies and the enemies cheering.) Yes, fellow-citizens, God Almighty has of the country at the same time. The Seventh was nailed that resplendent flag to its mast, and if the the pet regiment of New York, and well it deserves South dares to march upon Washington, they will to be. They were a band of noble, gallant young find that that cannot bo taken down. No, not by all men, who would stand by their country to the last the powers they can collect. No! they will find extremity. I would have been glad if the Seventh that that sacred sword which defends and strikes for had first gone on, that they might have opened the human rights-that sword which Cromwell wielded, way for their comrades. But there is a Providence and which our fathers brought into the contest, and which presides over these movements. Look at this which made us a nation-will be taken once more one single instance of Providential arrangement. from its scabbard to fight the battle of liberty against The Massachusetts Regiment, on the 19th April, rebellion and treason. (Vehement cheering.) As I 1861, were assailed and two of their number killed, have already said, the Baltic will be at the foot of simply because they were on their way to protect the Canal street to-morrow morning to take volunteers to Federal capital. The first blood of the Revolution serve the country, whether they have orders or not. came from Massachusetts, on the streets of Lexing(Cries of "We'll go.") I would advise you not to ton, and now we find that on the anniversary of the go without arms. (Cries of "Where will we get battle of Lexington, which inaugurated and sanctified them?") I have already made the announcement the revolution of our fathers, the blood of a Massaof the sailing, and now I am requested to make an- chusetts man has been shed to inaugurate the revoluother. You may have seen in the morning papers tion now upon us. (Vehement cheering.) But if that Governor Hicks, of Maryland, said that he Massachusetts has had the glory of giving her blood would endeavor to prevent the passage of troops the first in this cause, if she can now claim the high through Baltimore. I desire to say for him, that he honor of being the first to shed her blood in defence has stood in the breach long months in Maryland, of the Constitution, she shall not be left alone in the and he has done more to preserve the Union than contest to preserve it. (Loud cheers.) A despatch any other man in the Southern States, and he is en- has been just received by Major-General Sandford titled to the warm gratitude of all for arresting from Colonel Lefferts, of the Seventh, stating that his rebellion on its very first tide, and when it was command would leave Philadelphia by rail for Havre sweeping the whole South to destruction. (Three de Grace-(great cheering)-where they would em cheers were given with great unanimity for Governor bark on board a steamer to Annapolis, to go thence Hicks.) If they could have once secured a State to Washington by rail. You may rely upon it, while Convention in Maryland, they would have had every- we are here assembled to respond to the Constituthing their own way. State Conventions are old tion, our brethren of the Seventh are on the soil of tricks of despotism. Whenever any thing despotic | Washington, ready to fight, and, if necessary, die for it. (Three cheers were given for the Seventh Regi- | that has touched the waters. ("Good.," and apment, during which Mr. R. sat down.) SPEECH OF RICHARD O'GORMAN, ESQ. FELLOW-CITIZENS:-This is not the time for many words. Speech should be like the crisis, short, sharp, and decisive. What little I have to say will be shortly said. I am an Irishman-(Cheers for O'Gorman)—and I am proud of it. I am also an American citizen, and I am proud of that. (Renewed applause.) For twelve years I have lived in the United States, twelve happy years, protected by its laws, under the shadow of its constitution. When I assumed the rights of citizenship, I assumed, too, the duties of a citizen. When I was invested with the rights which the wise and liberal constitution of America gave to adopted citizens, I swore that I would support the Constitution, and I will keep my oath. (Tremendous cheering, and a voice, "You would not be an Irishman if you did not.") This land of mine, as well as of yours, is in great danger. I have been asked what side I would take; and I am here. (Cheers.) No greater peril ever assailed any nation. Were all the armies and all the fleets of Europe bound for our shores to invade us, it would not be half so terrible a disaster as that we have to face now. Civil war is before us. We are threatened not with subjugation, but disintegration, utter dissolution. The nation is crumbling beneath our feet, and we are called to save it. Irish born citizens, will you refuse? ("No, no.") This quarrel is none of our making: no matter. I do not look to the past. I do not stop to ask by whose means this disaster was brought about. A time will come when history will hold the men who have caused it to a heavy account; but for us, we live and act in the present. Our duty is to obey, and our duty is to stand by the Constitution and the laws. (Applause.) I saw to-day the officers of the Sixty-ninth Irish regiment, and they are ready. (Cheers for Col. Corcoran.) Fellow-citizens, if there be any men in these United States, who look to this war with any feeling of exultation, I take no part with them. I look to it with grief, with heartfelt grief. It is, after all, a fratricidal war; it is a war that nothing but inevitable necessity can excuse, and the moment that inevitable necessity ceases, the moment peace can be attained-for peace is the only legitimate end of any war. I pray to God that it may cease and we be brothers and friends again. Some of the gentlemen who preceded me to-day have said that traitors have sprung from Virginia. O, fellow-citizens, when you passed that statue-the statue of the Father of his Country-and saw that serene, calm face, and that hand raised, as it were, in benediction over this people, forget not that Washington was a son of Virginia. The South has been deceived, cruelly deceived, by demagogues; they have had false news from this side, and that has deceived them. They did not know, we did not know it ourselves, what a fund of loyalty, what stern hearty allegiance there was all through this land for the Constitution and the Union. Fellow-citizens, the cloud that lowers over us now will pass away. There may be storm; it may be fierce and disastrous, but trust me that storm was needed to clear and purify the political atmosphere. We are passing through an inevitable political and national crisis. We could not go on as we were going on. A sea of corruption was swelling all around us, and threatened to engulph honor, reputation, and the good name of the nation and of individuals. That stagnant water stirs, but trust me, it is an angel plause.) An angel hand has touched them and turned the fœtid stream into a healing balm. That angel is patriotism, that walks the land in majesty and power. (Applause.) And were nothing else gained by this terrible struggle than the consciousness that we have a nation and a national spirit to support it, I would still say that this ordeal that we are going through will not be all in vain. (Cheers.) For me, fellow-citizens, as far as one man can speak I recognize but one duty. I will keep my oath, I will stand as far as in me lies by the Constitution and the laws. Abraham Lincoln is not the President of my choice; no matter, he is the President chosen under the Constitution and the laws. The government that sits in Washington is not of my choice, but it is de facto and de jure the government, and I recognize none other. That flag is my flag, and I recognize none other but one. (Bravo and applause.) Why, what other flag could we have? It has been set by the hands of American science over the frozen seas of the North; it is unrolled where by the banks of the Amazon the primeval forests weave their tangled hair. All through the infant struggles of the republic under its consecrated folds men poured out their life blood with a liberal joy to save this country. ("And will again.") All through the Mexican war it was a sign of glory and of hope. Fellow-citizens, all through Europe, when down-trodden men look up and seek for some sign of hope, where do they look but to that flag, the flag of our Union? (Great applause.) I deprecate this war; I do hope that it will cease, but it is war. That flag must not be allowed to trail in the dust, not though the hand that held it down is a brother's. I have done. (Voices "Go on, go on.") All I can say is, that, with all the men that honestly go out to fight this fight, my sympathies go with them. I trust it will be fought out in an honorable and chivalrous manner, as becomes men that are fighting to-day with those that may be their friends to-morrow. But if there cannot be peace, if war must be, then for the Constitution and the Union I am, and may God defend the right. (Tremendous cheering.) SPEECH OF IRA P. DAVIS. He said he had a difficult task to perform in addressing them after the eloquent speaker who had just left the stand. Yet, as a citizen, and as an American, and as one whose father fought at Lexington, he was before them that day to do his duty. He would call their attention to a few facts to illustrate the principle involved in this great question. The Government of the United States was based on the principle that all power is inherent in the people; that at any time the people can alter, amend, or, if they pleased, totally abrogate the Government. But while this right was recognized, it was still their duty to observe the sacredness of contracts. The people of Great Britain, of France, and other nations of the world, with whom we have made treaties through our lawful counsellors, recognize the people living on the continent, within certain jurisdictions, as a nation. And though the people here might, if they pleased, change the character of the Government, yet the Government of these countries would hold them responsible within those districts, to fulfil their contracts and treaties-to live up to the contracts they had made. So was it with the people of those States. The Federal Government was nothing more than the executor of the contracts entered into by the thirty |