liberty.

The glamour of the supposed superior Chapter VIII strength of reactionary government, or of the comforts of superstition will be gone, Faith will revive, the "struggle for the soul" will be won, and general discontent, the basis of all unrest, must correspondingly diminish. To those who believe that the perfecting of man is "the goal toward which Nature's work has been tending from the first, the chief object of Divine care, the consummate fruition of that creative energy which is manifested throughout the knowable universe,"1- - this will all appear as following logically from the undeniable fact that the Peace Conference represents one step- however modest - in the upward progress of the world.

The practical objection has been raised against the The future endeavors of the Conference, that if successful, they of diplomacy. would make Diplomacy superfluous, or substitute a race of international pettifoggers for the eminent experts in an art which it has taken centuries to perfect. It may be questioned whether the misconception which is the basis of this objection relates more to the nature of The Hague treaty or to that of Diplomacy.

Taking the fine definition of Rodbertus of the art of politics, "the royal art of ascertaining and accomplishing the will of God"—" making reason and the will of God prevail," as Bishop Wilson and Matthew Arnold would express it, Diplomacy must be regarded as one of its noblest branches. Its highest manifestation, tact, is the flower of all human culture, physical,

1 John Fiske, The Destiny of Man, 107.

Chapter VIII intellectual, and moral, and to be an ideal diplomat is rightly the ambition of many of the world's true aristocrats. The popular definition, however, "a diplomat is a man sent abroad to lie for his country,' shows the seamy side of the picture, and should reassure those who profess to fear a deterioration of the profession from its present standards. The truth is evident, that, even without the Peace Conference, a radical change was impending.

Higher

The era of mystery and exclusiveness in diplomacy is even now at an end, and the finality of the change was recognized forever when the most autocratic of Empires, and the one most successful in the diplomacy of the old school, made an alliance with a Republic whose foreign minister's tenure of office. depends upon a parliamentary majority.

Under these circumstances it seems most fortunate. development that at the very time when the old order is changing, lines. the foundation should be laid of a system which will

on traditional

encourage an even higher development along traditional diplomatic lines. To say that the new system will make diplomacy unnecessary is simply absurd. With the adoption of Magna Charta and the development of English Constitutional law, the rude clerics who, before King John's time, had assisted the ruder litigants, were superseded by the glorious company of English jurists, whose services to the cause of liberty can hardly be overestimated. The change in Diplomacy will be similar.

For all the shrewdness, the tact, patience, social grace, and "repose in energy," which have hitherto

been the chief characteristics of a successful diplomat, Chapter VIII there will be a greater demand than ever. Besides this there will now be sought the learning, and above all the power of expression, which can vindicate a country's cause, if necessary, before the judgment seat of a tribunal representing to an infinitely higher degree than was hitherto possible the idea of international justice. Nothing could be more disastrous than pettifogging, for, in view of their possible submission to the International Court, important diplomatic notes must hereafter be of a nature to bear the refining fire of examination and discussion by a body of experts in all civilized countries, who will have a personal and scientific interest in the Corpus Juris Gentium to be promulgated at The Hague. Of such a body it may well be said:

Securus judicat orbis terrarum.

to be done.

To the question, what remains to be done to insure What remains the success of the work of the Peace Conference, the reply is quite obvious. Public opinion remains the final source of power and success in public affairsfor an institution as well as for an individual. To the creation of favorable public opinion every intelligent and patriotic man or woman in the civilized world is called to contribute his or her share, be it great or small. The response of the English-speaking public to this call has never been doubtful. But

1 See Rolin-Jacquemins, Revue de droit international et de législation comparée, V. p. 463; and Pradier-Fodéré, Cours de droit diplomatique, Vol. I. p. 17 ff., and Vol. II. p. 303 ff.

Chapter VIII even in those Continental countries where dense ignorance, insipid wit, and the silliest sarcasm seemed to take the place of intelligent and decent discussion of the Conference and its work, there are signs of dawn and enlightenment.

The Governments in advance of public opinion.

The Institute of Interna

It is most encouraging and of the highest importance that upon the whole Continent the Governments are apparently in advance of public opinion upon the entire subject of the Peace Conference. The reason is not far to seek. No man who is fit for the position can to-day hold a place involving the direction of his country's international policy, without feeling an almost intolerable pressure of responsibility. To him every remote chance of a lightening of his burden. comes as a promise of blessed relief. It is an historical fact, that none of the obstacles to success which the Peace Conference had to overcome, originated in the mind of any sovereign or high minister of state. In every case they were raised by underlings without responsibility, and anxious to show superior wisdom. by finding fault. So long as this favorable governmental attitude continues there is every reason for encouragement. Continental public opinion, especially in questions of foreign policy, certainly seems more pliable than ever before, and is as clay in the hands of a potter, so far as alliances and sympathies are concerned, when following a popular monarch or foreign minister.

The Institute of International Law and similar organizations may be of great service in popularizing the subject, and in perfecting the details of practice

before the International Court. Much will, moreover, Chapter VIII depend upon the attitude of the professors of International Law at the various universities. The coöperation of some of the highest academical authorities upon the subject at The Hague, may tend to save the entire work from attacks or indifference based upon personal prejudices or professional jealousies, which might have arisen if the treaty had been elaborated only by diplomats.

encourage

In conclusion the author can only remind those Reasons for whose pessimism is proof against all the signs of ment. promise contained in the story told in this volume, of the best and most reasonable ground for encouragement as to the future, namely: the record of what has even now been accomplished. Any one who would have predicted, even as late as July, 1898, that a Conference would meet and accomplish even a fraction of the results attained at The Hague, that the subject of a federation of the civilized world for justice would even be discussed, not by enthusiasts and private individuals, but by leading diplomats of all civilized nations, called together for that purpose by the most powerful autocrat in the world, -would have been regarded as a dreamer, if not as demented. At the beginning of the Conference the members themselves were affected by the prevalent scepticism, suspicion, and discouragement. It was, however, most interesting to observe how, from week to week, and almost from day to day, this feeling gave way to a spirit of hope, of mutual confidence, and of pride at participating in what was at once a