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expedition. These measures had the effect to suppress the expedition, no effort being made to cross except that of a small inefficiently armed body under a General Spear, who crossed the boundary line near Franklin, Vermont, and remained for a day on the other side in the vicinity of the line, recrossing on the advance of the British troops. The expedition being abandoned, the men returned to their homes, mostly furnished transportation by the Government. This was deemed the most expedient course, for though the conduct of the men composing the expedition had, up to the time of its abandonment, been most exemplary, it was feared so large a body, estimated as high as 10,000, if left on the frontier without means of return, would become riotous and disorderly, requiring, to preserve the peace, the calling out the militia, which I was anxious to avoid on the ground of economy, as well as other reasons. After the men composing the expedition had all been sent home, the troops were returned to their former station.'

THE

ALABAMA CLAIMS.

April 15, '67.

DEAR

You seemed struck the other day with what I told you as to the feeling in America about the Alabama business. You can make whatever use you please of the following memorandum :

During the last four months I have been both in the Northern and the Southern States, and have been staying in New York, Boston, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and Washington. I have talked with a good many Americans on the subject of the Alabama claims, and the feeling evinced, and the passion shown by one or two of them, convinced me of the importance of an early settlement of the matter in some way or other. I understand that when Mr. Shaw Lefevre was in Washington he was astonished at an outbreak of temper by Mr. Seward when the subject of the Alabama was mentioned.

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Since the attack made upon him at the time of Mr. Lincoln's murder, and since the death of his wife, which was caused in great measure by over fatigue in nursing him after that attack, Mr. Seward, it is said, has never been the man he was before, and his temper has been so little under control, as to cause considerable uneasiness to his friends; but I have heard other American gentlemen use language quite as unmeasured when the Alabama was mentioned. On points of national pride Americans are far more sensitive than we are. Their feeling is that when they were down and in distress, France took a dirty advantage of them in the invasion of Mexico, and England in the matter of the Alabama. The French have evacuated Mexico, and England must now be called to account. This is the general feeling of the nation; besides this, there is the special grudge among the ship-owners whose trade was diverted into English bottoms, and among the merchants whose goods were burnt. A war with England, attended by reprisals on English commerce, would be, as they think, for the interest of both merchant and ship-owner; further, it would give them a chance of revenge, which Americans love more than money.

With all this, there does not exist among them any serious belief in the probability of a war with England; but it would take very little agitation to make

them think of it seriously. Some American politicians are wondrously unscrupulous; and the Irish vote is necessary for success at the next election. The next election is two years off; but the canvassing has begun long ago. When a member of Congress introduces Roberts on the floor of the House; when General Banks proposes to 'scale down' the neutrality laws to the level of Great Britain; when the President sympathises with a Fenian deputation,— these are all moves to catch the Irish vote, and by Americans are appreciated as such. The Fenians are the laughing-stock of the Americans, but most Fenians have votes. They have nothing in America corresponding to our Foreign Enlistment Act; and when General Banks talked of 'scaling down' the American neutrality laws, he talked nonsense either wilfully or ignorantly; our neutrality laws being in many points more stringent than the American. They have no law enabling the authorities to put down Fenian meetings, drillings, or processions. They can do no more than prevent any invasion of British territory. This I imagine they will do faithfully and efficiently now as before. I sailed from New York on March 20th; two days before that, it was stated in the newspapers that 500 troops were sent to the Canadian frontier. The American Executive do not desire to be involved in a war with England; but what they and all other politicians

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want is a good electioneering cry to captivate the Irish vote.

For this purpose they will probably select the Alabama business. At the present time, although there exists a strong feeling in the public mind, that feel- · ing is not so strong as to preclude a fair settlement of the question; but every day, as time goes on and the election approaches, that settlement will become more difficult. Unless something more available turns up, that 'difficulty' will be brought more prominently forward, and will be dragged before the public by every republican newspaper and at every public meeting. Americans do not form opinions for themselves; they never read more than one newspaper; they give themselves very little time to think, but let their editor lead them by the nose; and there is an Irishman upon the staff of nearly every newspaper in America.

Probably the American Government will be in no hurry to conclude the question. It may be that they will try and postpone the settlement in order to make use of the cry at the election; and in that case the national feeling having by that time grown with the agitation, it may ultimately not be in the power of the American Government to deal temperately in the matter, even should they be so disposed.

The Americans are capable of a stronger love and