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HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK

abolish it and to institute a new government, laying its foundations on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.'

"The socialist transformation cannot be successfully accomplished by political victories alone. The reorganization of the industries upon the basis of social operation and coöperative effort will require an intelligent and disciplined working class, skilled not only in the processes of physical work but also in the technical problems of management. This indispensable training the workers can best gain as a result of their constant efforts to secure a greater share in the management of industries through their labor unions and coöperatives. These economic organizations of labor have also an immediate practice and vital function. Their daily struggles for betterment in the sphere of their respective industries supplement and reinforce the political efforts of the Socialist party in the same general direction, and their great economic power may prove a formidable weapon for safeguarding the political rights of labor.

"The Socialist party does not intend to interfere in the internal affairs of labor unions, but will always support them in their economic struggle. In order, however, that such struggle might attain the maximum of efficiency and success, the Socialists favor the organization of workers along lines of industrial unionism in closest organic coöperation as an organized working-class body.

"The Socialist party does not seek to interfere with the institution of the family as such, but promises to make family life fuller, nobler, and happier by removing the sordid factor of economic dependence of woman on man, and by assuring to all members of the family greater material security and more leisure to cultivate the joys of the home.

"The Socialist party adheres strictly to the principle of complete separation of state and church. It recognizes the right of voluntary communities of citizens to maintain religious institutions and to worship according to the dictates of their conscience.

"The Socialist party seeks to attain its end by orderly and constitutional methods so long as the ballot-box, the right of representation, and civil liberties are maintained. Violence is not the weapon of the Socialist party but of the short-sighted representatives of the ruling

classes, who stupidly believe that social movements and ideals can be destroyed by brutal physical repression. The Socialists depend upon education and organiation of the masses.

"The domination of the privileged classes has been so strong that they have succeeded in persuading their credulous fellow-citizens that they, the despoilers of America, are the only true Americans; that their selfish class interests are the sacred interests of the nation; that only those that submit supinely to their oppressive rule are loyal and patriotic citizens, and that all who oppose their exactions and pretensions are traitors to their country.

"The Socialists emphatically reject this fraudulent notion of patriotism.

"The Socialist party gives its service and allegiance to the mass of the American people, the working classes, but this interest is not limited to America alone. In modern civilization the destinies of all nations are inextricably interwoven. No nation can be prosperous and happy while its neighbors are poor and miserable. No nation can be truly free if other nations are enslaved. The ties of international interdependence and solidarity are particularly vital among the working classes. In all the advanced countries of the world the working classes are engaged in the identical struggle for political and economic freedom, and the success or failure of each is immediately reflected upon the progress and fortunes of all.

"The Socialist party is opposed to militarism and to wars among nations. Modern wars are generally caused by commercial and financial rivalries and intrigues of the capitalist interests in different countries. They are made by the ruling classes and fought by the masses. They bring wealth and power to the privileged few and suffering, death, and desolation to the many. They cripple the struggles of the workers for political rights, material improvement, and social justice, and tend to sever the bonds of solidarity between them and their brothers in other countries.

"The Socialist movement is a world struggle in behalf of human civilization. The Socialist party of the United States coöperates with similar parties in other countries and extends to them its full support in their struggles, confident that the class-conscious workers all over

HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK

the world will eventually secure the powers of government in their respective countries, abolish the oppression and chaos, the strife and bloodshed of international capitalism, and establish a federation of socialist republics coöperating with each other for the benefit of the human race and for the maintenance of the peace of the world."

The convention voted to commit the Socialist party to adherence to the "Third Internationale"-the Moscow organization dominated by Lenin, Trotzky, and the "Soviet" dictatorship of Russia. On this subject, however, the action taken was limited to a simple declaration of affiliation without commitment to any specific means for establishing the socialistic "international" commonwealth. A substitute proposal, designed to give sanction to extreme measures, such as the "dictatorship" of the "proletariat," was voted down by 90 to 40.

Socialist Labor Party

This party held its fifteenth national convention in New York, May 5-10, 1920. For President, William W. Cox, of Illinois; for Vice-President, August Gillhaus, of New York.

Throughout its career the Socialist Labor party has been consistently opposed to all expedients and compromises in the fight to establish the extreme program of socialism. It is frankly revolutionary and especially rejects the notions that trades-union development or mere politic action for the sake of securing votes are either consistent with its objects or desirable in themselves even if seemingly accomplishing a measure of

success.

The convention reaffirmed the party declaration of 1916, as follows:

"Whereas, There exist to-day in the United States two conceptions of what an economic organization of labor should be; and

"Whereas, One conception-that held by the American Federation of Labor and kindred unions-is that the organization should concede the right of capitalists to own and control industry, and should be built upon narrow craft lines for the sole purpose of protecting its members in their employment and of securing petty improvements in the conditions of labor-thus becoming a mere 'watch-your-job-andboost-your-pay' organization; and

"Whereas, The other conception-that held only by the Workers' International Industrial Union—is that the economic organization of labor should deny the right of capitalism to continue in the ownership and control of industry and that it should be built upon industrial lines, not only with the aim of more efficiently coöperating in the daily struggle against the employing class but for the supreme purpose of taking possession of the industries and operating them in the interests of society as a whole; and

"Whereas, Neutrality toward economic organizations of labor on the part of a political party of socialism is equivalent to neutrality toward organizations that endorse and support the system of private ownership of the social means of producing wealth, the system which the party is fighting; and

"Whereas, The bona fide or revolutionary socialist movement needs the economic as well as the political organization of labor-the latter for propaganda and as a civilized means of registering public opinion through the ballot, the former as the only conceivable organized force without which all ballot is impotent, and which force is essential for ultimately locking out the capitalist class from the industries; therefore be it

"Resolved, That the Socialist Labor party do all in its power to show the fallacy of craft unionism, and urge the workers to organize industrially on the principles of the Workers' International Industrial Union."

HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK

The Election

Electoral vote for President and Vice-President:

Warren G. Harding and Calvin Coolidge, Republicans:-Arizona, 3; California, 13; Colorado, 6; Connecticut, 7; Delaware, 3; Idaho, 4; Illinois, 29; Indiana, 15; Iowa, 13; Kansas, 10; Maine, 6; Maryland, 8; Massachusetts, 18; Michigan, 15; Minnesota, 12; Missouri, 18; Montana, 4; Nebraska, 8; Nevada, 3; New Hampshire, 4; New Jersey, 14; New Mexico, 3; New York, 45; North Dakota, 5; Ohio, 24; Oklahoma, 10; Oregon, 5; Pennsylvania, 38; Rhode Island, 5; South Dakota, 5; Tennessee, 12; Utah, 4; Vermont, 4; Washington, 7; West Virginia, 8; Wisconsin, 13; Wyoming, 3. Total, 404. Elected.

James M. Cox and Franklin D. Roosevelt, Democrats:-Alabama, 12; Arkansas, 9; Florida, 6; Georgia, 14; Kentucky, 13; Louisiana, 10; Mississippi, 10; North Carolina, 12; South Carolina, 9; Texas, 20; Virginia, 12. Total, 127.

Popular vote:

Harding, 16,152,200; Cox, 9,147,353; Debs, 919,799; Christensen, 265,411; Watkins, 189,408; W. W. Cox (Industrialist and Socialist Labor), 31,175 (15 States); Macauley, 5,837 (9 States). In addition there were cast in Texas 47,968 votes for the American party and 27,247 for the Black and Tan Republican party; and in South Carolina 360 for Harding, Insurgent Republican party.

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