gether sections of fire hose and added sections of rope which were tied to the structure of the bridge, to form a lifeline. Then the night watchman for the city of Holden, Bill Meyer, was assigned the unwelcome task to take the end of the rope to Callaway. Moments before, Callaway had called out for haste in rescue effort by making it clear that the combined weight of the children in the swift current was taking his strength. He yelled back he could not hold on much longer.

Bill Meyer swam out and by help from the lifeline made repeated trips to take Mrs. Henley, David Dodson, and Steve Zvacek to safety. Meyer himself suffered from such great exhaustion he was unable to return for Callaway and Mike Henley. No one else at the scene was strong enough or a good enough swimmer to make the trip even with the help of the improvised lifeline made of coupled fire hose and sections of rope.

We should pause at this point in our description to consider the fact that if a lesser man than Callaway had realized he was near the end of his strength, he could have easily concluded the time had come to save himself. After all, he had rescued the entire group from the top of the car. He had kept them from being separated while others came after them one by one. Why not head for shore and leave little Mike to fend for

himself?

But this was not the way Bill Callaway lived or died. After Steve, David, and Mrs. Henley had been brought in by means of the hose and rope life-line, Bill Callaway promised to bring in Mike as well.

In these last moments of these desperate efforts, Raymond Day, fire chief of

Holden, Mo., held a spotlight on Cal

laway. He could be heard to say he could not move his arms. Something happened. Callaway was heard to cry out, "I am paralyzed." Then he sank from sight in the waters of Blackwater Creek. With him went little Mike

Henley.

No one knows for sure what happened in these last few minutes. There are few hard facts from which the events may be

reconstructed. But these facts have

given credence to two theories about

what must have happened.

First, there is advanced the theory supported by considerable fact that just before Bill Callaway went down his arms were held up, cradled in a rigid position as if still holding Mike. This must be true because when he was found on the following Wednesday morning, his arms were still in that circled shape. There is no doubt Bill Callaway died from exhaustion. His wife who was at the scene in view of the dramatic struggle to hold the others against the tree, concurs in

this belief.

Another prevailing theory strongly supported by the facts is that as one of his last acts of heroism, Bill Callaway took off his own life jacket and tried to fasten it around little Mike Henley. Callaway was found without a life jacket. Mike Henley was also found without a jacket. But there was a life jacket found at a point between the two, fastened too

CXI-1442

small or too tightly to be worn by a grown man. Thus, everyone will always have a right to believe that, as a last measure of heroism, Callaway tried to give his own life jacket to the Henley boy.

Chroniclers of history encounter difficulties when describing two related, but simultaneous events. The night of July 19 at Holden July 19 at Holden is no exception. About a half mile away another man, Forrest McKeown, was to struggle heroically against angry nature.

Throughout those long hours just after midnight until after 3 a.m., calls had been going out for those who had boats to bring them to Blackwater Creek and be ready to participate in the rescue of Bill Callaway.

While Bill Callaway was struggling against the current and giving of himself to the point of complete exhaustion, calls by the Holden Fire Department reached another man who was destined to rise to the occasion with a measure of heroism equivalent to that of the other principal in this real-life drama. His name is Forrest McKeown.

McKeown operated a body repair service and a tow service in Holden, Mo. Because it was known he had a boat he was called and immediately responded by bringing his boat to the Highway 131 bridge over Blackwater River. When Forrest McKeown arrived with his son, Ronnie, it was decided they should try to make it upstream in the main channel of the Blackwater. It was thought that somehow McKeown might be able to get upstream to rescue Callaway.

At about 1:45 a.m., assisted by others, McKeown launched his boat in the swirling waters. Bystanders who knew he suffered from a heart condition urged him not to take his boat into the treacherous waters. But he shrugged off these suggestions, because he felt it his duty to try to contribute his efforts to the rescue of Bill Callaway.

They had barely reached midstream

in the exceedingly swift current when a floating log hit the boat and caused it to capsize only a short distance upstream from the bridge. The current swept ward the bridge. The son caught on to McKeown and his son, Ronnie, back toa beam under the bridge and managed to work his way, hand-over-hand, to the bank. The father, Forrest McKeown, was swept under the bridge, but was caught by the arm by L. M. Cannody and Lester Long, as he came out the other side. Moments later, the capsized boat was dashed against the bridge.

For a while McKeown was able to hold onto the hand of Cannody. Then Lester Long ran to the tow truck, yanked out a tow chain and dropped it over to Mr. McKeown. Mr. Cannody sustained a fracture of two ribs due to the strain of trying to hold McKeown against the force of the swift current. When the chain from the wrecker was thrown out McKeown was able to reach for and grab it. He was almost dragged out of the water through the combined efforts of Long and Cannody when he lost his hold and plunged back into the swift current.

As Forrest McKeown sunk into the dreadful waters of Blackwater Creek the

group on the bridge experienced that awful feeling that so many times comes to all of us-a feeling of great helplessness-a feeling of being so close to winning a victory but denied through a quirk of fate. It was an awful feeling for those who had extended such strong efforts to save McKeown and yet failed.

For those in the vicinity of the bridge which carries Highway 131 over the Blackwater, the long night seemed to become interminable when it became known that both Callaway and McKeown had been lost. Uncertainty prevailed as to whether Charlie Edwards and little Francis Henley had been saved.

Little Mike Henley was also missing. Long after daylight he was found in a tree-appearing to hold onto it as he would have in life.

Disregarding the lateness of the hour, the group at the bridge-now made up of people not only from Holden but from Warrensburg and Harrisonville, Whiteman Air Force Base, and all over Johnson County-refused to relax their efforts to locate those who were thought lost and to account for those who might be saved. Men stayed at the scene throughout that night and continued the search far into the daylight hours without stopping to rest or change their watersoaked clothing.

On Wednesday morning about 6:30 a.m., July 21, Bill Callaway was found with his arms still locked in the same position as when he was holding the children to the tree. A very short time later the body of Forrest McKeown was found.

On Wednesday morning the waters began to subside, thus bringing to an end one of the worst tragedies ever experienced in western Johnson County, Mo. It had been a night filled with true life drama and many heroes. Not only the neighbors but everyone in the surround

ing area had tried to make their contribution to the effort. They came from over at Warrensburg and from Cass County, including the city of Pleasant Hill. Owners of light aircraft volunteered the use of their planes. A helicopter came from Whiteman Air Force

Base.

Toward morning, it was estimated the searchers for the bodies of Callaway and McKeown numbered in the hundreds. Coffee and sandwiches were provided by the Holden Chamber of Commerce and by unselfish individuals who volunteered on their own to try to sustain those working at the rescue effort.

In the days that followed eulogies of the two brave men were on the lips of every person. Friends and neighbors recounted how Bill Callaway had spent his lifetime helping his fellow man. Father of seven, he took another homeless child to live with them. In every conversation it was recounted how he had gotten up from a sick bed to initiate the original rescue of the Henley group. It was recounted how frequently he had worked the nighttime shift from midnight till 8 a.m. only to spend most of the daylight hours working with the Scouts, returning to the night shift with little or no sleep. An equally great hero was Forrest McKeown. He was always recognized in

the community where he lived as a man who was ready always to answer a summons for help with his wrecker at any hour of the night. He was praised as one who was always ready to assist others with their problems, often without pay and with a genuine reluctance to accept even their thanks. People said of Forrest McKeown that he regarded it a duty to his chosen community to try to help his fellow townspeople in Holden.

Two brave men had lost their lives by attempting to bring a mother, two sons, and two other children to safety from the swollen waters of Blackwater Creek. Neither Callaway or McKeown at any time during the fearful night that separated Monday, July 19, from Tuesday, July 20, gave one thought for their own safety but only to save the lives of those in peril.

In these times when people step aside to watch a bus driver be severely beaten, when bystanders do nothing to defend a girl being dragged into a building to be first raped and then murdered, and when a man can lie upon a sidewalk bleeding to death while passersby remain oblivious to his pleas for help, men like Bill Callaway and Forrest McKeown deserve highest honors.

son Countians rushed in immediately and unhesitatingly to offer help.

This is in deep contrast to the so-oftenread-about cases where individuals and groups simply stand by and witness, unconcerned, without intervening to prevent rapes, murders, beatings of helpless people. They murders, beatings of helpless people. They don't want to get involved.

The people of Johnson County do want to get involved.

They did so to the extent that two who answered early pleas for help from a floodswamped automobile lost their lives.

It was one of the county's worst tragedies in years.

The two victims in the rescue effort, Bill Callaway and Forrest McKeown, as well as the scores of others responded to the emergency in the darkness of night, amidst swirling waters, in the true Christian spirit, voluntarily, without fear for their own lives.

Numerous instances of heroism were reported; numerous instances of performing ported; numerous instances of performing small but vitally important tasks were performed. As the county coroner (Dr. Keith D. Jones) declared, there were "giants of heroism" at work in the accident that began when a car with five persons was swept off a

bridge in flood waters.

Many residents, officials, neighbors, strangers, off-duty officers worked throughout the night and day, in rain, without sleep to save those who were alive and to find the bodies of the victims.

On the basis of what has been reported, the valiant efforts of Bill Callaway and Forrest McKeown merit national citations for

further

Resolved, That special commendation is given posthumously to William "Bill" Callaway and Forrest McKeown, who both lost their lives in heroic attempts to save the lives of others. The city council extends its deepest sympathies to the families of these men, knowing that their deep sorrow is mixed with their feelings of justified pride in the actions of these men. The city clerk is ordered to forward copies of this commendation to the widows of these brave men.

Passed by the City Council of Holden, Mo., this 26th day of July 1965.

R. P. DILLON,

Mayor.

In the Thursday, July 22 issue of the Warrensburg Daily Star-Journal, Editor William C. Tucker published an editorial entitled, "Memorable Deeds of Heroism":

During the floodwater tragedy that took three lives north of Holden this week, John

ther studied the efforts of several living persons also should be honored for their courage and determination to save the lives of others.

There is no doubt that in the disaster that occurred among us this week, true bravery and great heroism were demonstrated in the highest degree.

At the center of this great tragedy, of course, stand the heroes Bill Callaway and Forrest McKeown, but surrounding them in brilliantly supporting roles are Certainly such a many unsung heroes. list should include Charles Edwards, Bill Meyer, Fire Chief Raymond Day, Ronnie McKeown, L. M. Cannady, Lester Long, Wilfred Flaspohler, Ivan Wilfred Flaspohler, Ivan Baughman, Alvin Anderson, Roy Barker, Lynn Baughman, Jim Clark, Leslie DesCombs, John Kammeyer, John Koch, Gordon Sisk, Dale Snare, Albert Wakeman, Jack Wharton, and Dale Williams. I know this list is not complete, but it represents the best information I could obtain.

People from all walks of life were there that night to contribute their efforts. Only those who were present will ever know or realize the horror of this tragic night or experience the feeling of helplessness to hear the roaring waters created by angry nature and producing a force that all the combined efforts of those present could not overcome.

volved. The tragic deaths of Callaway and McKeown must not go unhonored. The heroism of Holden must not go unrecognized.

Bill Callaway and Forrest McKeown died that others might live. Such heroism deserves recognition.

Mr. Speaker, I ask uanimous consent to revise and extend my remarks and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Missouri?

There was no objection.

EQUALITY IN AMERICA: A PROMISE UNFULFILLED

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under previous order of the House, the gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. LAIRD] is recognized for 15 minutes.

Mr. LAIRD. Mr. Speaker, on August 30, 1965, the Republican Coordinating Committee approved an outstanding report entitled, "Equality in America: A Promise Unfulfilled." This was the report of the task force on human rights and responsibilities under the leadership of our distinguished friend and colleague, the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. MCCULLOCH]. The credentials of the gentleman from Ohio to be chairman of the task force are known to all. He has made a great and outstanding contribution to civil rights legislation. The gentleman from Ohio cosponsored the 1964 civil rights bill and made a substantial contribution to the 1965 voting rights bill. At the 1964 Republican National Convention he chaired the subcommittee handling civil rights and was responsible for the human rights planks in the 1964 Republican platform. The following individuals serve serve with Mr. MCCULLOCH on the task force on human rights and responsibilities: Gov. Mark O. Hatfield, vice chairman; George resentative W. E. (BILL) BROCK, CorneW. Abbott, Walter E. Alessandroni, Replius P. Cotter, Luis A. Ferre, Senator HIRAM L. FONG, Robert L. Gavin, Bernard Katzen, former Senator Kenneth Keating, Mrs. Rhoda Lund, Gaylord Parkinson, Samuel R. Pierce, Mrs. Louise Reynolds, Senator HUGH SCOTT, Gov. John A. Volpe, and Francis G. Wilson. the report made by the task force and Mr. Speaker, I include at this point as chairman of the House Republican Conference, I commend their report to each Member of this Congress for their thoughtful consideration.

EQUALITY IN AMERICA: A PROMISE
UNFULFILLED

The two heroes extraordinary fought throughout the long, dark night the black waters of a river carrying such an appropriate name. Their courage must not go unnoticed. What a sharp distinction from bystanders and witnesses to beatings, rapes, and murders of helpless people who do not want to get in

proved by the Republican Coordinating Committee August 30, 1965. The study was made by the task force on "Human Rights and Responsibilities," Congressman WILLIAM MCCULLOCH, of Ohio, chairman) The precious, special thing we call American citizenship confers rights, imposes obligations, and should promise an equal chance for all. A nation that has lighted the way to liberty still has dark corners.

America is a nation of 195 million people who trace their ancestry to every corner of the globe. Our national character has been immeasurably strengthened by this fact.

Freedom has been the magnet which has drawn to our shores representatives of all races. With the rights of American freedom goes an equal responsibility of citizenship. Respect for law and order in our free society is basic to our survival as a nation. Violence, illegal breach of the peace of any kind by any mob, weaken the fabric of this Nation, and undermine the American goal of equal opportunity under law for all our people. Indeed, to be achieved, this goal must rest unswervingly on respect of the law-all the law of the land. We believe in and we pledge ourselves to vigorous law enforcement at every level of government-local, State, and National.

Republicans, like other citizens, do not speak with a single voice on the problem of human rights or its solution. But for a century and more, the Republican Party has struggled more consistently and effectively than any other political party for justice and progress in human rights.

The first Republican President, Abraham Lincoln, ended slavery in the United States. The most recent Republican President, Dwight Eisenhower, gave leadership which produced the first effective civil rights law in three-quarters of a century.

The first State law forbidding discrimination in employment was enacted by a Republican legislature-in New York-under a Republican Governor.

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 received the support of over 80 percent of Republicans in both Houses of Congress, and without their efforts no bill would have passed, and in 1965, Republicans in Congress were in the vanguard of the drive for a worthwhile, effective voting rights law. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 received the support of 94 percent of Senate Republicans, and 82 percent of Republicans in the House of Representatives.

This document constitutes an interim report on human rights and responsibilities. The subject of equal opportunity in America has many facets and is constantly changing.

We are entering a new phase of the struggle for equality of opportunity and responsibility. In this phase major emphasis must be placed on State, local, and private action.

State, local, and private action in the fields of equal opportunities in housing, education, employment, public accommodations, and voting rights will be extensively dealt with in future task force reports.

Human rights and responsibilities will continue to receive major attention by the Republican Coordinating Committee.

We believe that it is the duty of governments to take actions which will ease, not intensify, the problems of race relations. We will not be satisfied until every American accepts every other American, regardless of race, color, or creed, as entitled equally to fulfillment to the limit of his ability and enterprise.

Laws and government action alone, however-not only at the Federal level but also at the State and local level-will not accomplish the results we seek. Personal relationships and understanding between individuals is also vital.

THE RIGHT TO VOTE

Ours is a system whose cardinal principle is that the governed shall rule. In such a system the central government can have no higher responsibility than to protect the voting rights of the citizens. The Republican Party ardently defends the right of every qualified American to go to the polls to cast his ballot for candidates he has freely chosen, and to have his vote honestly counted. That this right has been denied to many American citizens is abundantly clear.

The Republican platform of 1964 spoke out against this abuse in the American sys

tem. It pledged such additional administrative or legislative action as may be required to end the denial, for whatever unlawful reason, of the right to vote." Republican Members of Congress clearly evidenced their determination to keep that pledge this year. In recent years tactics contrived to obstruct the right of citizens to exercise their franchise effectively followed one or more of four paths: discriminatory administration of literacy prerequisites for voter registration; discriminatory enforcement of poll tax laws; intimidation of potential voters; inadequate protection of the sanctity of the ballot.

The Voting Rights Act of 1965 treats, with varying degrees of adequacy, all of these subjects. Despite gaps in the coverage of the new law, Republicans in both Houses of Congress overwhelmingly supported its passage. But congressional Republicans also advocated substitute legislation which would have resulted in more effective law and broader protection of all voting rights of all citizens.

Three questions clearly illuminate the new law's deficiencies, and we call upon the President to answer them.

Why doesn't the President tell the people: Why Texas was not covered under his initial voting rights bill and is not effectively

covered now?

Why vote frauds and dishonest elections, such as have occurred in Chicago and Texas, were not covered under his proposal?

Why should challenged votes be counted and if found invalid be used possibly to determine the outcome of an election, including the election of a President?

Protecting the sanctity of the ballot Enforcement of Federal laws and State laws has been notoriously weak in eliminating vote frauds. The 1965 Voting Rights Act is woefully inadequate in its remedies of such offenses. It is futile to protect the right of each American to go to the polls and cast his vote, only to allow his ballot to be stolen after he has cast it. The responsibility of government to protect the right to vote presumes as well a responsibility to see that the vote is accurately counted and reported. Government and law must protect both, for more is at stake than the correction of wrongs. At stake is the integrity of the voting process in the future of our representative government.

The 1964 Civil Rights Act empowered the Commission on Civil Rights to investigate allegations of vote frauds, but in view of the prevalent frauds in some recent elections this authority is clearly inadequate. Legislation has been urgently needed to prevent persons not entitled to vote from casting ballots to insure an honest and accurate count of ballots-to prevent multiple voting to abolish fraudulent devices which attempt to add or subtract from the honest total of votes received by a candidate-to prevent the sale or purchase of the voteand to prevent any other offense whose aim is illicit interference in the legitimate result of any election. Additional legislation is clearly required to uphold the sanctity of the ballot. Such legislation should provide for clear, swift, and sure enforcement procedures for an early and conclusive determination of vote frauds.

EDUCATION AND EMPLOYMENT Every American deserves and should have a full and fair chance to fulfill his Godgiven capacity to learn, to work, to earnall without regard to race, or creed, or color. He deserves and should have a full and fair chance to own a decent home, at a price he can afford, in a decent neighborhood. He deserves and should have a full and fair chance, with all of his fellows, to go to the places and do the things for himself and his family as his earnings will permit.

Education

Education is the foundation of the American Republic. Education is the tool to a better life. If our citizens are to compete effectively for good jobs, they must be educated. We effectively support a massive campaign against illiteracy in the United States.

Many children of racial minorities are not prepared to begin classes when they enter school; additional efforts are needed to raise their educational levels before they begin school. If our minorities are to break the bonds which chain them to unemployment rolls and low-paying occupations, they must have the skills employers require. The very least of these is literacy and yet more than 3 million Negroes have completed less than a fifth-grade education according to 1960 census data. In that year 9 percent of the total population over the age of 14 years were found to be functionally illiterate. And of the 11.3 million functional illiterates over 27 percent were nonwhite.

Cer

The percentage of whites over 25 years of age who had, in 1964, completed at least a high school education was approximately double that of the Negro population. tainly if all our citizens are to compete effectively for good jobs, they must be armed with the first requirement a basic educa

tion.

One full school generation has passed since the Supreme Court declared compulsory segregation in the public schools unconstitutional, and ordered desegregation with all deliberate speed. Now, 11 years later, the practical consequences of this decision are still to be realized.

The chief hope for a future without prejudice in the United States lies with our children. Given an atmosphere in which tomorrow's adults learn together, the relations between the races cannot help but improve.

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 authorized the Attorney General to initiate Federal court suits to bring about a speedy desegregation of all public schools. Through the middle of August of 1965, 13 suits had been filed. We urge immediate and full implementation of this authority.

Under the act, the Office of Education is authorized to provide technical aids and services to ease the difficulties which southern school districts must temporarily experience as they come into full compliance with the Court's 1954 decision. Some $8 million was appropriated to advance these efforts in the 1965 fiscal year, and an additional $8 million was requested for fiscal year 1966. These funds should be used fully and energetically to insure that compliance will not result in unnecessary hardships, as steps are taken to insure that compliance does in fact occur.

In the effectuation of school desegregation, the most powerful force next to persuasion is the authority given under title VI of the Civil Rights Act to cut off Federal funds to school districts and States which refuse to desegregate their schools. This is an instrument for compliance that was advocated and sponsored by Republicans in Congress. Employment

The dilemma posed by the lack of adequate employment opportunities clearly illustrates the vicious circle in which American racial minorities are caught. Because many members of these groups are not trained to handle jobs requiring relatively sophisticated skills, they are forced into lower paying occupations. Because they earn less, their children grow up in an environment which often tends to stunt intellectual growth; and even when this does not happen, the family cannot afford to give the children the advantages of higher education so necessary in today's complex society if good jobs are to be obtained.

To alleviate inequities in employment Congress, with Republican initiative and leadership, last year created an Equal Employment Opportunities Commission under title VII of the Civil Rights Act. Together with the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity already in existence, the EEOC is to receive complaints and enforce compliance with the law through litigation, if necessary. The Commission's authority to ban discrimination by employers, labor unions, and employment agencies applies to firms and unions with 100 or more workers as of July 1965. By July 1968, unions and employers with 25 or more workers will be covered.

This administration has done little to implement the provisions of title VII. No planning, establishment of regulations, or creation of a staff could take place until the five members of the Commission were appointed. Finally, with less than 2 months remaining to the July 1965 deadline, the Commission was appointed. Unfortunately, full implementation of title VII has been severely hampered by the administration's delay. The Republican Party deplores the lack of responsible attention to this obligation and calls for an accelerated effort to correct the resulting harm.

The antipoverty program, which originally aimed at helping the poor including many members of racial minority groups, has already deteriorated into a shameful example of predatory political patronage for the big city machines.

PUBLIC ACCOMMODATIONS AND FACILITIES

Republican congressional leaders strongly supported measures to end discrimination in both public accommodations and public facilities. Here is an opportunity for the States to lead, for on public accommodations the enforcement of adequate State laws precludes the entrance of the Federal Government; this safeguard was inserted into the 1964 act at Republican initiative.

No aspect of the 1964 act received greater attention than title II, public accommodations. Enforcement of this title has been effectively applied to privately operated facilities serving the general public. Enforcement of title III, however, which applies to publicly owned and operated facilities such as parks and libraries, has been no better than spotty. Title III empowers the Attorney General to bring about compliance through appropriate enforcement proceedings. Although a number of complaints have been received by the Department of Justice, only 18 suits have been filed as of the middle of August 1965.

It is imperative that the administration meet its responsibility to enforce the provisions of title III no less vigorously than title II.

STATE, PRIVATE AND LOCAL RESPONSIBILITY

We invite comparison of accomplishments in those States where Republican Governors have led effective civil rights programs with accomplishments in the Federal Government where, during 30 of the past 32 years Democrats have controlled the Congress, the White House, or both. But as Republicans we

believe that while civil rights is a national problem and national responsibility, it is also the responsibility of State and local governments as well.

The Republican Party-the party devoted to preserving the true principles of the federal system-is dedicated to maximizing local responsibility. At the State and local levels of government, we urge enactment of laws designed to protect Constitutional guarantees and a vigorous implementation of such laws. We also urge private action at the local level to insure equal opportunity for all in the fields of education, housing, employment and public accommodations.

We deplore recent moves by administration leaders to weaken, and in some cases

to deny, the traditional role of State Governors in matters basic to the well-being of the citizens of their States. In administration-sponsored actions by Congress this year the role of Governors in Federal housing and poverty programs has been thrust aside. Indeed, the whole trend of Federal legislation in the present Congress has been at the expense of State responsibility. Republicans will not rest their efforts to counter this trend.

CONCLUSION

In a host of fields Republicans have initiated and aggressively supported legislation to prohibit discrimination. But law cannot achieve its goal unless it is impartially and faithfully executed by the administration in power. On the other hand, in many

areas this administration has failed to enforce the law of the land. Republicans condemn this failure and demand full enforcement of the law-all of the law at every level.

Every American citizen must be afforded full opportunity to realize the goals he shares with all men; to be treated honorably, to live decently and securely, to hold a good job and to enable his children to do better than he has done. Our goal is a land of opportunity which provides opportunity and justice to all.

U.S. AIDS CONFIRM SINGAPORE

CHARGE OF 1960 CIA PLOT The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under previous order of the House, the gentleman from New York [Mr. RYAN] is recognized for 10 minutes.

Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, this morning's New York Times contains news which will surely shock most Americans. It confirms the tale of an attempted bribe of $3.3 million to the Prime Minister of Singapore, Mr. Lee Kuan Yew, to cover up an unsuccessful CIA operation in 1960.

The story serves to reiterate the need for careful congressional oversight of the Central Intelligence Agency, a need which I have recognized by introducing House Joint Resolution 649, to establish a Joint Committee on Foreign Information and Intelligence. This legislation is similar to that which I introduced in similar to that which I introduced in both the 87th and 88th Congresses.

I have consistently stated, ever since I was elected to the House in 1960, that it is inconsistent with the basic concepts of our democratic government to allow a large and extremely important agency, such as the Central Intelligence Agency, to avoid the scrutiny of the people and their representatives by hiding behind a veil of secrecy. The Congress and the people have a right to know and a right to regulate the intelligence services of this Nation. This last sordid incident merely underscores the necessity of such regulation.

Mr. Speaker, I call upon the House Rules Committee to conduct hearings in the near future on my bill and speed the enactment of CIA oversight that is long overdue.

The text of the story follows: U.S. AIDS CONFIRM SINGAPORE CHARGE OF

1960 CIA PLOT-DENIAL IS LABELED AN ERROR AFTER PRIME MINISTER LEE DISPLAYS RUSK APOLOGY

(By Max Frankel) WASHINGTON, Sept. 1.-The State Department yielded to an accuser's evidence today

and withdrew a denial of attempted espionage and bribery by the Central Intelligence Agency in Singapore 5 years ago.

In effect, the Department confirmed a charge by Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, that a CIA agent had offered him a $3.3 million bribe to cover up an unsuccessful CIA operation in 1960.

In the early months of the Kennedy administration, the Department conceded, Secretary of State Dean Rusk wrote a letter of apology to Mr. Lee. The letter took "a very serious view" of the activities of the previous administration and indicated plans to discipline the offending intelligence agents.

PENALTY IS UNDISCLOSED

tion, if any, had been taken. A spokesman refused today to say what ac

It was Prime Minister Lee's disclosure of the Rusk letter that prompted the State Department to withdraw its denial.

Mr. Lee initially made his charge yesterday in listing several grievances against the United States. He said that a CIA man had Singapore intelligence officials and that the been caught trying to buy information from United States had then offered him $3.3 mil

lion for personal and political use if he would

conceal the affair.

The Prime Minister said he had asked instead for $33 million in formal economic-development aid for Singapore. U.S. aid to all of Malaysia, the federation from which Singapore withdrew this summer, was $3.5 million in 1963 and $4 million in 1964.

INITIAL DENIAL WAS PROMPT

Mr. Lee's recollection of the incident drew immediate denials from James D. Bell, the U.S. Ambassador to Malaysia, and several hours later from the State Department.

Robert J. McCloskey, the Department's spokesmen, said yesterday: "First, we are surprised at these statements attributed to Prime Minister Lee. With respect to allegations of a CIA involvement, we deny that allegation."

After Mr. Lee produced the letter from Secretary Rusk, dated April 15, 1961, and threatened to broadcast tape recordings to prove his charge, an embarrassed Mr. McCloskey corrected himself.

"Those who were consulted yesterday were not fully aware of the background of the incident, which occurred 42 years ago," he said. He acknowledged Mr. Rusk's letter dent" for which the Secretary has asked forwithout describing the "unfortunate incigiveness. It was the same incident that Prime Minister Lee was talking about, Mr. McCloskey added.

RUSK DISTRESSED

Mr. Rusk's letter said:

"DEAR MR. PRIME MINISTER: I am deeply distressed to learn that certain officials of the U.S. Government have been found by your Government to have been engaged in improper activities in Singapore. I want you to know I regret very much that this unfriendly relations that exist between our two Governments.

fortunate incident had occurred to mar the

ous view of this matter and in fact is reviewing activities of these officials for disciplinary action.

"The new administration takes a very seri

"Sincerely yours,

DEAN RUSK." Apparently, Secretary Rusk was not consulted yesterday before the denial was issued. Relatively new officials in the Far East Division of the Department were said to have been unaware of the case, and apparently then failed to consult the files. The CIA apparently relayed the denial of wrongdoing that it customarily issues to the rest of the Government when confronted by such charges.

Asked whether Ambassador Bell had been similarly uninformed of the background, the

Department spokesman said he had. No further approaches were made today to the Singapore Government. The case was long ago marked "closed" in the files here, Mr. McCloskey added.

U-2 INCIDENT IS RECALLED The affair reminiscent of the 1960 case in which the State Department denied that a U-2 reconnaissance plane had ventured deep into Soviet territory. Moscow denounced the intrusion without immediately disclosing that the plane and the pilot had been captured. Later the United States was forced to admit a falsehood.

Prime Minister Lee's sudden public attacks upon the United States are described here as puzzling. In addition to the CIA incident, he has complained about delays in arranging for an American physician to attend to a close friend-some suggest that the friend was his wife and about a general "insensitivity" of Americans in Asia.

Mr. Lee declared yesterday that he would never let Americans replace the British in maintaining a military base in Singapore, but the severity of his attack seemed to go beyond concern about the base.

Some officials suggested that he might have been appealing for African and Asian support of Singapore's independence outside the Malaysian federation, but officials termed this an inadequate explanation.

LEE ANGERED BY DENIAL SINGAPORE, Sept. 1-Washington's denial of Singapore's charge against the CIA aroused Prime Minister Lee to anger today.

Escorting reporters into his office, he angrily jerked out files stamped "top secret." Pressing the Rusk letter into an American correspondent's face, he said, "The Americans stupidly deny the undeniable."

LIKE "GOLDFINGER"

"If the Americans go on denying," he said, "If the Americans go on denying," he said,

"I will have to disclose further details, which may sound like James Bond and 'Goldfinger' only not as good, but putrid and grotesque enough. It will do them no good and our future relations no good."

Prime Minister Lee's press secretary, Li Vei Chin, said the Americans' $3 million bribe offer was made in January 1961, before President Kennedy took office. He said Mr. Kennedy had inherited the problem and "to his credit" ruled that no money would be given "under the counter." Compensation would be given publicly instead, as foreign aid, according to Mr. Li's account of the Kennedy

decision.

Prime Minister Lee said he had full reports and documents relating to the incident, including transcripts of tape recordings, interrogations and meetings.

"If they continue denying it, I will play some of these tapes on Singapore radio," Mr. Lee added. "If they continue to repeat the denial, I will have to disclose who the intermediary was, and very high circles would be greatly embarrassed."

He added: "The Americans should know the character of the men they are dealing with in Singapore and not get themselves further dragged into calumny. They are not dealing with Ngo Dinh Diem or Syngman Rhee. You do not buy and sell this Government."

Besides the letter attributed to Mr. Rusk, the Prime Minister displayed an accompanying note, said to be from W. P. Maddox, who was the United States Counsul General in 1961. Explaining his disclosure of the documents, Mr. Lee said they were "open letters, open apologies, so I released them."

from Louisiana [Mr. BOGGS] may extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and include extraneous matter.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Georgia?

There was no objection.

Mr. BOGGS. Mr. Speaker, one of the noted islands off the coast of this great country of ours-an island which is closely identified with the earlier history of our Nation and of my State of Louisiana and its neighbor, the State of Mississippi-is Ship Island, or Isle aux Vaisseaux. This 2-square-mile island, measuring some 8 miles long and from one-fifth to four-fifths of a mile wide, one-fifth to four-fifths of a mile wide, lies less than a dozen miles off the Mississippi Gulf Coast near Biloxi, Miss.

In the year 1699, Pierre Le Moyne, Sieur D'Iberville, landed at Ship Island, prior to sailing on to the mouth of the Mississippi River. He and his men found temporary refuge there, and Iberville named the island Isle aux Vaisseaux, or Ship Island, and its nearby companion isle, Cat Island. Later, the British expedition against New Orleans, my home city, used the island as a way station preparatory to moving their ships and men up the Mississippi River.

The island figured briefly in the Civil War when Confederate forces occupied it for a short time, then abandoned the island under orders of General Twiggs. In the fall of 1861, Federal forces occupied Ship Island, and Admiral Farragut used it as a supply base and repair station, before launching his attack on New Orleans, which fell in April 1862.

After the war, in 1872, a Federal fortFort Massachusetts-was completed;

and in the 1880's the island served as a U.S. quarantine station and a customs post.

Today, the National Government owns two small parcels of land which are used by the U.S. Coast Guard. The remainder by the U.S. Coast Guard. The remainder of the island is owned by the Joe Graof the island is owned by the Joe Graham Post No. 119 of the American Leham Post No. 119 of the American Legion-three parcels and the Mississippi State Park Commission-one parcel. State Park Commission-one parcel. Speaker, owns the parcel where stands The Joe Graham Post of the legion, Mr. old Fort Massachusetts. old Fort Massachusetts. It was in 1933 that Congressman WILLIAM COLMER, of Mississippi, along with the late Congressman Rankin, succeeded in transferring man Rankin, succeeded in transferring to the Joe Graham American Legion to the Joe Graham American Legion Post, by means of the enactment of PubPost, by means of the enactment of Public Law 73-60, three parcels of the then federally owned land on the island, with federally owned land on the island, with the proviso that the legion post maintain the proviso that the legion post maintain the land for use as a recreational park. the land for use as a recreational park. This the members of the Joe Graham Post have done, and today, some 40,000 tourists visit Ship Island, in order to walk on its sandy beaches and enjoy the warm sunshine and the salt air out of the Gulf of Mexico.

Mr. WELTNER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the gentleman

the island many times, and enjoyed roaming through Fort Massachusetts and around that beautiful island.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. COLMER is the sponsor of a bill-H.R. 6320-which would make Fort Massachusetts a national historic site, to be administered and maintained by the Secretary of the Interior for historical, educational, and recreational purposes. It seems most fitting that all or part of Ship Island should be designated a national historic site; or, if deemed preferable, the island should be designated as a national recreational area or a national seashore. The role of Ship Island in the history of our country, and particularly the States of Mississippi and Louisiana, as well as its beauty and its attraction to tourists, is such that I feel strongly that it should be approved as a national historic site, or a national recreational area or national seashore-whichever designation seems most appropriate by the Department of the Interior.

One of the most distinguished reporters and columnists in my city of New Orleans today is Mr. Charles L. "Pie" Dufour of the New Orleans States-Item newspaper. Pie Dufour writes a daily column entitled "Pie's a la Mode," in which he touches on every subject from his boyhood remembrances of New Orleans in the earlier years of this century to the great moments in the history of our State of Louisiana and of our country.

Mr. Dufour is the author of several historical works, including "The Night the War Was Lost," in which he relates the fall of the city of New Orleans to the Union forces in April 1862, which was relatively early in the War Between the States. He emphasizes the great importance of the capture of the Port of New Orleans to the Union Army; and the significant loss to the Confederacy of this great city and the lower reaches of the Mississippi River. The fall of New Orleans, coupled with the Union blockade of Confederate ports, combined to spell doom for the Confederacy very early in that terrible war, and Mr. Dufour is deserving of great tribute for his insight and his contributions as a profound historian in the life of our country.

At this point, Mr. Speaker, I should like to call to the attention of my colleagues a fine column by Mr. Dufour on the desirability of designating Ship Island as a national historical site, or a national recreational park. He is most qualified to write authoritatively about this subject, and I ask unanimous consent to include with my own remarks this fine column by Mr. Dufour, which appeared in the Sunday Times-Picayune StatesItem of August 29, 1965. The column follows:

SEEK NATIONAL PARK STATUS FOR SHIP ISLAND (By Pie Dufour)

One of the most historic spots on the Mississippi Gulf Coast lies a bit under a dozen miles off the mainland at Biloxi.

It is Ship Island, which is historically identified with Louisiana, especially New Orleans, perhaps even more than it is identified with Mississippi.

Accordingly, Orleanians should be very interested in House bill 6320 which would create the 1,400-acre sandbar into Ship Island National Historic Seashore if Congress passes the measure.