circumstances: A very great weight of influence of the persons who framed it, particularly in the universal popularity of General Washington. The good-will of the commercial interest throughout the states, which will give all its efforts to the establishment of a government capable of regulating, protecting, and extending the commerce of the union. The good-will of most men of property in the several states, who wish a government of the union able to protect them against domestic violence, and the depredations which the democratic spirit is apt to make on property; and who are besides anxious for the respectability of the nation. The hopes of the creditors of the United States, that a general government possessing the means of doing it, will pay the debt of the union. A strong belief in the people at large of the insufficiency of the present confederation to preserve the existence of the union, and of the necessity of the union to their safety and prosperity; of course, a strong desire of a change, and a predisposition to receive well the propositions of the convention.

"Against its success is to be put, the dissent of two or three important men in the convention, who will think their characters pledged to defeat the plan; the influence of many inconsiderable men in possession of considerable offices under the state governments, who will fear a diminution of their consequence, power, and emolument, by the establishment of the general government, and who can hope for nothing there; the influence of some considerable men in office possessed of talents and popularity, who, partly from the same motives, and partly from a desire of playing a part in a convulsion for their own aggrandizement, will oppose the quiet adoption of the new government; (some considerable men out of office, from motives of ambition may be disposed to act the same part.) Add to these causes the disinclination of the people to taxes, and

of course to a strong government; the opposition of all men much in debt, who will not wish to see a government established, one object of which is to restrain the means of cheating creditors; the democratical jealousy of the people, which may be alarmed at the appearance of institutions that may seem calculated to place the power of the community in few hands, and to raise a few individuals to stations of great pre-eminence; and the influence of some foreign powers, who, from different motives, will not wish to see an energetic government established throughout the states.

"In this view of the subject, it is difficult to form any judgment whether the plan will be adopted or rejected. It must be essentially matter of conjecture. The present appearances and all other circumstances considered, the probability seems to be on the side of its adoption.

"But the causes operating against its adoption are powerful, and there will be nothing astonishing in the contrary.

"If it do not finally obtain, it is probable the discussion of the question will beget such struggles, animosities, and heats in the community, that this circumstance, conspiring with the real necessity of an essential change in our present situation, will produce civil war. Should this happen, whatever parties prevail, it is probable governments very different from the present in their principles, will be established. A dismemberment of the union, and monarchies in different portions of it, may be expected. It may however happen that no civil war will take place, but several republican confederacies be established between different combinations of the particular states.

reunion with Great Britain, from universal disgust at a state of commotion, is not impossible, though not much to be feared. The most plausible shape of such a business would be, the establishment of a son of the present mon

arch in the supreme government of this country, with a family compact.

"If the government be adopted, it is probable Genera. Washington will be the president of the United States. This will ensure a wise choice of men to administer the government, and a good administration. A good administration will conciliate the confidence and affection of the people, and perhaps enable the government to acquire more consistency than the proposed constitution seems to promise for so great a country. It may then triumph altogether over the state governments, and reduce them to an entire subordination, dividing the larger states into smaller districts. The organs of the general government may also acquire additional strength.

"If this should not be the case, in the course of a few years, it is probable that the contests about the boundaries. of power between the particular governments and the general government, and the momentum of the larger states in such contests, will produce a dissolution of the union. This, after all, seems to be the most likely result.

"But it is almost arrogance in so complicated a subject, depending so entirely on the incalculable fluctuations of the human passions, to attempt even a conjecture about the event.

"It will be eight or nine months before any certain judgment can be formed respecting the adoption of the plan."

Anxious as his forebodings were, it will be seen that his exertions were not for a moment relaxed. While he did not disguise his doubts, he declared, "I am persuaded it is the best which our political situation, habits, and opinions will admit, and superior to any the revolution has produced." "Though it may not be perfect in every part, it is, upon the whole, a good one, is the best that the present situation and circumstances of the country will permit."

Then followed his closing appeal, recommending its adoption in language which every revolving year renders more impressive.

"To balance a large society on general laws," it had

been said, "the judgments of many must unite in the work. EXPERIENCE must guide their labour, TIME must bring it to perfection, and the FEELING of inconveniences must correct the mistakes which they inevitably fall into in their first trials and experiments." "These judicious reflections," Hamilton remarked, " contain a lesson of moderation to all the sincere lovers of the union, and ought to put them upon their guard against hazarding anarchy, civil war, a perpetual alienation of the states from each other, and perhaps the military despotism of a victorious demagogue, in the pursuit of what they are not likely to obtain but from TIME and EXPERIENCE. It may be in me a defect of political fortitude, but I acknowledge that I cannot entertain an equal tranquillity with those who affect to treat the dangers of a longer continuance in our present situation as imaginary. A NATION without a NATIONAL government, is an awful spectacle. The establishment of a constitution, in time of profound peace, by the voluntary consent of a whole people, is a PRODIGY, to the completion of which I look forward with trembling anxiety."

Hume's Essays, v. 1, p. 128.

CHAPTER XLIX.

FROM this scene of deepest interest, Hamilton now returned to the toils of his profession, often interrupted by public avocations.

Of the many causes in which he was engaged, one greatly moved the feelings of those around him. It was the defence of a member of the Society of Friends on a charge of libel, for having publicly exposed a person who had been detected kidnapping free blacks in the city of New York, and selling them in Charleston. The effort was such as a crime of this atrocity would call forth, and was successful. Nor did his grateful client forget that the proffered fee was returned with a request, "as they were both engaged in the cause of humanity that his declining it might not be mentioned."

Another occurrence at this time indicates his benignity. Colonel Antil of the Canadian Corps, a friend of General Hazen, retired penniless from the service-his military claims, a sole dependence, being unsatisfied. Hoping to derive subsistence from the culture of a small clearing in the forest, he retired to the wilds of Hazenburgh. His hopes were baffled, and in his distress he applied to Hamilton for relief. His calamities were soon after embittered by the loss of his wife, leaving infant children. With one of these Antil visited New York,