up at Teston. They are up slaving till two o'clock every morning, and I think Mrs. Bouverie told me, they had walked out but once in the three weeks they had been there. While I was at Sir Charles Middleton's, the other night, in came a copy of the evidence before the privy council. It was the thickest volume I had ever seen. Well might the commons desire a week's suspension of the business to read it. I have invited myself to Mrs. Montague's saturnalia* next year, unless by that time I should be engaged to dine with a party of free negroes. I fear there will be great opposition to the abolition in the lords. I dined with a party of peers at lord O.'s, and there was not one friend to that humane bill." On the 12th of May, the subject was introduced to the house in a noble speech by Mr. Wilberforce, which lasted three hours and a half, in which he laid before the house the general merits of the question, and answered all the principal objections of its adversaries. At this day of the triumphs of machinery, when, in almost every department, human labour is in a great degree superseded, and commodities in consequence furnished at a much lower cost, and placed within the reach of a vastly greater number of consumers, it is amusing to read a grave debate in the house of commons, whether it might be practicable to lighten human labour by the introduction of machines of husbandry. Yet this was one considerable topic of the speech of Mr. Wilberforce; and about the same period Mrs. * A feast given every May-day to chimney-sweepers by that benevolent lady. Hannah More thus writes: "Your project for relieving our poor slaves by machine-work is so far from being chimerical, that of three persons (including Mr. Wilberforce) deeply engaged in the cause, not one but has thought it rational and practicable, and that a plough might be so constructed as to save much misery. But I forget that negroes are not human beings, nor our fellowcreatures; but allowing the popular position, that they are not, still a feeling master would be glad to save his ox or his ass superfluous labour and unnecessary fatigue.' Mr. Wilberforce, in closing his speech, laid down twelve propositions, which formed the basis of discussion in the house. The advocates of the slave-trade endeavoured, but in vain, to controvert and overthrow them. Among the speakers in favour of the abolition, Mr. Burke was conspicuous. He called upon his country nobly to give up the unjust gains arising from that traffic, and so to maintain the resolution of virtue, as to be content, though other nations should reap the profits which Britain had resigned. In his argument on the influence of slavery he observed, "Should I define a man, I would say with Shakspeare- "Man is a being holding large discourse, But a slave is incapable of looking before and after. He has no motive to do it. He is a mere passive instrument in the hands of others, to be used at their discretion. Though living, he is dead to all voluntary agency. Though moving amidst creation with an erect form, and with the shape and semblance of a human being, he is a nullity as a man." The rival statesmen, Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, each spoke eloquently on the question. In reply to some who proposed to regulate, rather than abolish, the slave-trade, Mr. Fox justly observed, that he knew of no such thing as a regulation of robbery and murder. This sentiment however just, gave great umbrage to persons concerned in the continuance of the traffic, and was brought forward with great soreness on subsequent occasions. Attempts were made to injure the characters of those who had given evidence against the slave-trade, and the measures for its abolition were cried down as hypocritical, fanatic, and methodistical. But notwithstanding all the insidious attempts of the partizans of slavery to undermine the character, motives, and designs of their opponents, they could not stand against the examinations of truth; and although the cause of abolition had to encounter repeated apparent defeats, it was in reality gaining ground, and confounding its adversaries with their own weapons. To the anxious vicissitudes of this period, a friend of abolition, repeatedly quoted, thus alludes: "How unkindly the opposition have treated Wilberforce! but he is not only of a very different spirit, but he would be a match for them at their own weapon—eloquence, of which few men have more, with as much wit as if he had no piety." "I did intend writing you a line on Wednesday, to have told you of the glorious and most promising opening of the great cause of abolition in the house of commons, but I could not find one moment's leisure, we had so much meeting, writing, and congratulation. The bishop of London fully intended to be the first to apprise me of this most interesting intelligence, and actually got up so early as to write me a note at seven o'clock in the morning; but Lady Middleton forestalled him, by writing on Monday at midnight. Pitt and Fox united can do much." This year the French Bastile was destroyed, and the Spanish Inquisition abolished. Remarking on these events, Miss More expressed her hope that she should yet live to see the redress of Africa accomplished; and added, that when she should have seen these three great engines of the devil destroyed, crushed, and exterminated, her three greatest wishes on this side heaven would be granted. On the opposition which the great question met on the score of interest, she humourously remarked, that Lord North had said, The abolition of such a gainful traffic, where all the reciprocity was on one side, would be such a loss as no other merchandise could possibly repay. At a rather later period she writes, alluding to an affair that had caused her great anxiety :— "Henry Thornton gave up every moment of his time, which was not engrossed by the other great cause the abolition; alas! we have lost that cause for the present." By the intrigue of its opposers, the business was dallied on, so as to gain the delay of a year, much to the grief and disappointment of the friends of humanity, who knew not how long hope was yet to be deferred, to the trial of their patience, zeal, and perseverance, if not to the sickening of their hearts. A bill, however, was carried, prepared by sir William Dolben and Mr. Wilberforce, which secured more attention to the claims of humanity in conveying the unhappy slaves. About this time the laborious Clarkson issued an Essay on the comparative efficiency of Regulation or Abolition, as applied to the Slave-Trade. The committee also published a plan of a section of a slave-ship, showing the cruel manner in which the wretched slaves were confined on their passage. This was widely circulated, and, as it gave a far more lively view of their sufferings than any description could convey, and produced an instantaneous impression of horror on all who saw it, it was very instrumental in serving the cause of the injured Africans. This year died Rainsay, the first controversial writer on the subject of slavery, who had endured much persecution and malignity in consequence of his exposure of the horrible system, and his steady maintenance of the cause of truth and humanity. His latest efforts were in its behalf, and his languishing moments were cheered by the hope of its ultimate success, and the consciousness of having been enabled to do something towards its promotion. When the session of parliament had closed, Clarkson again travelled to collect evidence. He visited France, in the hope of promoting the cause there. He remained there six months, and found many eminent persons deeply interested and enlightened in the cause. There seemed a flattering prospect, that, by their influence, much would have been effected; but these prospects were blighted by two circumstances—the Revolution in France, which became the all-engrossing subject of public attention—and the intrigues of colonists, and other persons interested in maintaining the odious traffic. During Clarkson's |