tions, seemed generally of opinion, that they ought to be adopted without farther consideration, concluding that every member is prepared to determine on the propriety thereof. But this, Sir, is not the case; for I own, that I have not prepared myself to take up this business, because I did not expect any notice would be taken of it; for Congress ought to send forward the plan, before we do anything at all in this matter. For of what use was sending it forward to them, unless we meant to wait their determination-Now as these measures are not recommended by Congress, why should we take them up? Why should we take up a thing, which does not exist? For this does not exist, that is before us—nor can it until it is ratified by Congress. I have no doubt for my part, but Congress will adopt it; but if they should make alterations, and amendments in it, is there any one can say then, what sort of a plan it will be? And as this may happen, I hope the House, when they come to consider seriously, will see the impropriety of going on at present. It will appear, that it is necessary to give time for Congress to deliberate, before they recommend. It does appear that Congress have not recommended it; and the recommendation of Congress ought to be waited for in a matter that concerns the liberties and rights of the people of the United States. I say this recommendation is not come forward to the House, nor we don't know when (if ever,) it will. We do not know that Congress may be able to go thro' with it this long time yet, and why are we to determine on it, before we know whether they will allow of such change of the confederation? We do not know that Congress are even sitting, or whether they will be in session. And before we proceed to measures of this importance, do let us know what we are going on, and let us not sport away the rights and liberties of the people altogether. I say, is it not better to go safely on the business, and let it lie over till the next House; when we have adjourned, let our constituents think of it, and instruct their representatives to consider of the plan proper to be pursued. Will not the next House be as able to determine as we are? And I would wish the members to consider, that it never was supposed at our

election, that we had the power to determine on such a measure. When we come to consider, it does appear to me better to leave it over to the next House, and they will be better able, and better instructed, what to do in this case. And what is the consequence the gentlemen propose by this hurry? That the State of Pennsylvania shall have the honor of taking the lead. This may be preserved, Sir, as well by letting it lie over; for, can the other states go into it before us? Can the State of Georgia receive it as soon, and send it forward for ratification, as we can? No, to be sure they cannottherefore this hurry does appear too great in my opinion; because, if it is delayed, our determination can still be brought forward sooner than that of any other state. If there are any objections of moment against calling the convention at present, let us be prepared to make them; we may do that better, perhaps, by deferring only till the afternoon-for tho' gentlemen say they have had time, and have made up their minds, yet that has not been my case, and I don't see why the business should be hurried upon us at this rate. I hope when gentlemen consider, they will agree to postpone for the present.

Mr. Brackenridge. I conceive, Sir, that the member has wandered from the point, whenever he went into remarks upon the new constitution; but I did not interrupt, nor do I mean now to reply to those observations, because I would not follow him in a subject which is not before the House-but if it should be necessary to speak on the general principles, I trust that he would be fully answered. At present, Sir, I understand the question to be, whether sufficient time has not elapsed to give every member, who respects his duty, sufficient opportunity to have made up his mind on the propriety of calling a convention of the people; if this is the case, the House will not surely postpone.

Mr. D. Clymer. The member from Cumberland* seems to think it highly improper, that we should proceed in this business until Congress shall recommend it to our attention, and have given it the stamp of their approbation, but this,

*Mr. Whitehill.

Sir, is extremely fallacious. For if Congress are to determine the point, where was the necessity for the federal convention to recommend calling state conventions? Or pray, Sir, were the delegates to that important undertaking ordered even to report to Congress? No, Sir, they were not-but I take it that their reason for having done so, was, that as they meant to report to the people of the United States at large, they thought Congress would be a proper channel to convey it to every part, from New Hampshire to Georgia, and I think the mode of conveyance very proper; but I never entertained an idea that it was submitted to their cognizance, as the gentleman says, for alteration or amendment. He supposes, too, that the convention of the state may adopt some part of the frame of government, and refuse the other. But not so, Sir; they must adopt in toto, or refuse altogether: for it must be a plan that is formed by the United States; which can be agreeable to all, and not one formed upon the narrow policy and convenience of any one particular state. Such, Sir, is the constitution lately presented to you, framed by the collective wisdom of a continent, centered in a venerable band of patriots, worthies, heroes, legislators and philosophers—the admiration of a world. This, Sir, is a subject the member from the city did well to submit to your feelings. Vain is every attempt to do justice to its merits. No longer shall thirty thousand people engage all our attention-all our efforts to procure happiness. No!-the extended embrace of fraternal love shall enclose three millions, and ere fifty years are elapsed thirty millions, as a band of brothers! And will the State of Pennsylvania-will a few of her inhabitants, I should say attempt to defeat this long-expected and wishedfor moment, by entering into a discussion of the minutiahow her interest is preserved? Why, Sir, to form a happy union, the weakest eye must perceive the necessity of mutual concessions-mutual sacrifices. Had the late convention not been composed of gentlemen of liberal sentiments, patriotism, and integrity, it might never have been perfected. Had each been studious of accommodating the constitution to the circumstances and wishes of the state they represented, noth

ing could have been effected. Do we not hear, that disposed as they were to make a sacrifiee of the local interests to the general welfare, that five weeks elapsed before they could determine the proportion of representation? If these gentlemen met with such difficulties, who possessed the information and knowledge of the continent, can it be supposed the United States would submit to the amendments and alterations to be made by a few inhabitants of Pennsylvania? Could it be expected that Virginia (the Dominion of Virginia, as some people in derision call it-though I say it is a land of liberty, a land of patriots, and the nurse of science)—I say will you expect, Sir, that Virginia and the southern states shall coincide with alterations made only for the benefit of Pennsylvania? No!-away with such ideas, and let that unanimity prevail at its adoption that it did at its formation. It is improper for gentlemen to say, we ought not to enter on this business until it is ratified by Congress. This, Sir, is not the case-and let me, as setting my argument on a foundation of solidity, call your attention to the recommendation made by the united sense and wisdom of our continent to this legislature. Remember how strong the language of the venerable Franklin, when he addressed you to enforce this recommendation. Remember the advantage and prosperity held out to Pennsylvania, for her early and cheerful concurrence in a measure, whose perfections are so clearly seen as to make hesitation criminal. Will all the art of sophistry prove an inferiority to the present confederation, which, upon trial, is found to be loose and ineffectual? Shall we, by chicane and artful procrastination, defeat the measure so loudly demanded by every circumstance of happiness or preservation? Better would it be, Mr. Speaker, to join in the glorious sentiment of that gallant officer, who having quitted his station, and gained a signal victory over his enemy, and when called to account for his breach of orders, answered, "That man holds his life too dear, who would not sacrifice it for his country's safety."

If it is the interest of a few individuals to keep up the weak and shattered government, which brings on us the contempt

of every surrounding tribe, and the reproach and obloquy of every nation, let them exert their opposition; but it will be all in vain, for should even this House refuse, I think it the duty of the people, as they value their present and future welfare, to come forward, and do that justice to themselves, which others would deny them.

As this subject is now before us, let us not hesitate, but eagerly embrace the glorious opportunity of being foremost in its adoption. Let us not hesitate, because it is damping the ardor with which it should be pursued. Sir, it is throwing cold water on the flame that warms the breast of every friend of liberty, and every patriot who wishes this country to acquire that respect to which she is justly entitled.

As we have taken up this matter, let us go through; for our determination may have weight with our sister states, and they will follow, where we take the lead, the honor of agreeing first to a measure, that must entitle to posterity security for their property-no longer subject to the fluctuation of faithless paper money and party laws-security to their liberty, and security to their personal safety. These are blessings which will engage the gratitude of posterity to venerate your ashes. Excuse me, Sir, for being warm; it is a matter I have much at heart, and a subject which I almost adore; and let the consequences to me be what they may, I must give it my support; for it has my most hearty concurrence, and to every part and particle I do pronounce a willing and a grateful Amen.

I am against the postponement of the question as to the principle; but as to that part of the resolution relating to the time, I shall move for an alteration, as my colleagues and myself think the period too short.

Mr. Fitzsimons. I was inclined to delay the business. until the afternoon; but from all that has been said, I believe it must be the opinion of the House that it will be proper to decide upon the first resolution before we adjourn. As to the constitution itself, I believe the proper place for discussing that will be in the convention, so that nothing need be added on that head. If the time mentioned for the elections is sup