new plan go into effect, would be turned out of office by the abolition, or transfer to the federal government of the places they held under the State.*

The speech was hailed by the Federalists as final, and provoked the Antifederalists to make innumerable replies. "Centinel" devoted a whole letter to answering it. From New York came a series of long letters in reply. "A Democratic Federalist" labored hard to refute him.

Others, who could not answer, began to call names. "An officer of the late Continental army" described the speech as "train of pitiful sophistries, unworthy of the man who uttered them." One bitter lampooner nick-named him "James de Caledonia."

Another vilified him as "Jimmy."

A third summed up his objections to the constitution with the remark that such a haughty aristocrat as Mr. Wilson having approved the new plan, was the best reason in the world why the people should reject it.

This, it was said, might possibly be so, if Mr. Wilson were the only signer of the constitution. But he was not. His was but one name in a long list of great names. Had it not been signed by a Washington, and did there live a villain so black-hearted as to assert that the American Fabius was now seeking to destroy the liberties he had done so much to secure? Had not Franklin signed it, and did any one suppose that he would close a long and splendid career by recommending to his countrymen an infamous constitution? Had it not been signed by a Morris and a Sherman? The Antifederalists admitted that it had, but warned the people not to be blinded by the glamour of great names. Were there not names, as great as any at the foot of the constitution, to be seen at the foot of the articles of confederation articles

*Gouverneur Morris in a letter to Washington makes the same statement. There had, he wrote, been reason to "dread the cold and sour temper of the back counties, and still more the wicked industry of those who have long habituated themselves to live on the public, and cannot bear the idea of being removed from the power and profit of State government, which has been and still is the means of supporting themselves, their families and dependents, and (which perhaps is equally grateful) of depressing and humbling their political adversaries."

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now declared to be thoroughly bad? Nay, had not some of the very men who put their hands to the one, put their hands to the other? Had not Roger Sherman, and Robert Morris, and Gouverneur Morris, recommended the confederation? What, then, was the value of these boasted great names? If these patriots had erred once, what was to hinder them from erring twice? "Centinel" went so far as to make some remarks on Washington and Franklin, which the Federalists interpreted to mean that Washington was a fool from nature and Franklin a fool from old age. The abuse of the "great names" once begun, no one was spared. The whole list of signers was gone through with. Robert Morris was "Bobby the Cofferer," and was said to be for the constitution because he hoped the new government would wipe out the debts he owed the old. Thomas Mifflin was "Tommy the Quartermaster General," and gave his support because his accounts were 400,000 dollars short. Gouverneur Morris was "Gouvero the cunning man." Few was sneered at as a bricklayer. Telfair was accused of having been a Tory. Baldwin was twitted with having once been steward of Princeton college, which was false. To the convention was given the nickname of the dark conclave.

The hatred was most bitter, however, toward the eight who signed for Pennsylvania. Indeed, so loud was the outcry against them, that when the time came to nominate delegates to the state convention, it was thought best that James Wilson should be the only one put up. The precaution was unnecessary, for in Philadelphia the Federalists carried everything.

Election day was the sixth of November. Five delegates were to be chosen from the city of Philadelphia, and when the polls were closed at the State House, it appeared that the Antifederalists had suffered a crushing defeat. The name standing highest on the federal ticket received twelve hundred and fifteen votes, and the name that stood lowest, eleven hundred and fifty-seven votes. For Pettit, who headed the antifederal ticket, one hundred and fifty votes were cast, while Irvine, who stood at the bottom, was given one hundred and

thirty-two. Franklin, it is true, ran far ahead of Pettit; but he was in no sense an Antifederalist, and was well known to have little sympathy for the party that used his name. He had not been nominated by the Federalists, partly, as was explained, because he was old and feeble, but chiefly because he was still president of the commonwealth, and it was not thought fit that any officer of the State should sit in the convention. The Antifederalists accordingly used his great name in the hope of drawing votes. But the ruse was detected, and though some votes were drawn, they were for him and not for the ticket. He received two hundred and thirty-five.

The Federalists were greatly elated over their victory, and after midnight on election day a score or so of tipsy revellers went to the house of Major Boyd, where lived John Smilie, John Baird, Abraham Smith, James M'Calmont, James McLean, John Piper and William Findley, members of the legislature and noted Antifederalists, every one of them. Four had signed the address of the sixteen dissenting assemblymen. All had strongly opposed the calling of a state convention; all were detested by the mob which gathered before the house, broke the door, flung stones through the windows, and went off reviling the inmates by name. Enraged at the insult, they complained to the legislature. The Assembly asked the "Executive Council" to offer a reward. The council did so, and Franklin promptly issued a proclamation offering three hundred dollars for the capture and punishment of the offenders. The proclamation was mere matter of form. No search was made, no rioter was arrested, and the delegates chosen to the convention met at the State House on Wednesday, the twentyfirst of November, when sixty of the sixty-nine members were present.

The sixty who, on that day, answered to their names, made up a body as characteristic of the State as has ever been gathered. Scarcely a sect, or creed, or nationality in the commonwealth, but had at least one representative on the floor of the convention. Some were Moravians; some were Lutherans; some Episcopalians; some Quakers; most were Presbyterians. Some were of German descent. The ances