the evening, one of the officers remarked to me, 'I can assure you, Colonel, that nine out of ten in the South would soouer become subjects of Queen Victoria thau return to the Union.' Nine out of ten!' Fad Gen Johnson, ninety-nine out of a hundred.' But the compliment was rather spoiled when some one else said they would prefer to serve under the Emperor of the French or the E. peror of Japan, to r.turning to the dominion o Uncle Abe; and it was still more damaged wen another alluded in an under tone to he interual regions as a tuore agreeable alternat.ve than re union with the Yankees."

Col. Freemantle gives the following account of the character and discipline of the southern soldiers:

"After having lived with the veterans of Bragg and Lee, I was able to form a still Ingher estiuate of the Confederate soldiers. Ther obedience and 10.bearance iu success, their discipline auder disaster, their patience under suffering, under hardships, or when wounded, and their bound ess devotion to their country, under ul circumstances, are beyond all praise."

The forbearance of the soldiers in Fuccess is due almost entirely to their Generals. Our soldiers were the same under McClellan. If, under Hooker, Pope, Burnside and Grant, they have committed these excesses, which Gen. McClellan in one of his orders describes as being so fatal to the discipline and honor of a soldier, the disgrace should be charged to the commanding officer, who encourages or permits marauding and plunder.

In illustration of the spirit of hatred which this war has driven into and through the mind of the South, the author mentions having heard Gen. Maury soliloquizing over our flag in the following strain :-"Well, I never should have believed that I could have lived to see the day in which to detest that old flag." It was, indeed, a sad reflection, for Gen. Maury and the southern people were all devoted to that old flag, when a powerful party here in the North were, in the language of

the Tribune, denouncing it as a "poluted rag," and "a flaunting lie."

At Mobile, Col. Freemantle saw more of the horror with which the negroes regard the northern army :

I overheard two negroes disenssing af fairs in general; they were deploring the war, and ex ›ressing their hatred of the Yankees for bringing 'affermen on us as well as our misters. Both of these had evid ntly a great aversion to being run off,' as they called 1. One of them wore Lis muster's sword, of which he was very prod, and he quential manner

sruit & about a most amusing and conse.

How many of these poor creatures have been "run of" into miseries that will be untold until that dread day when these wretches will stand before a tribunal from which there will be no appeal!

We have, in this book, an interesting account of the author's interview with Mr. Benjamin, the Sectetary of State of the Confederacy, which may, we suppose, be taken as a fair speci men of the spirit of sentiment of the southern people in relation to the. charge of being rebels:

"He said the Confederates were more amused than annoyed at the term: rebel,' which was so constantly apphed to them; but he only wished mudly to remik, thut in order to be a ‘rebel,' a person must rebel against some one who has a right to Lovein Li; and Le thought it would be very dílìcut to ciscover such ah as existing in the northern over the southern States. orce to prepare a treaty of peace, he said, it would only be necessary to white on a Blauk sheet of paper the woads sel govern ment. Let the Yankees accord tuar, and they

In

motives that stir the pride and honor of mankind. Listen to the coarse and impudent language of a Republican Senator, or member of Congress, compared with the calm and gentlemanly tone which Col. Freemantle declares to be the habitual temper and style of the southern people! The very indecency of the manner of the Republican politicians is proof that they know themselves to be in the wrong. In relation to retaliation for the outrages committed upon the families and pri vate property of the southern people, our author heard Gen. Longstreet say, "although it might be fair and just retaliation to apply the torch, (in Pennsylvania,) yet doing so would demoralize the army, and ruin its now excellent discipline. Private property is to be therefore rigidly protected."

And this good order was rigidly enforced when the Confederates came into Pennsylvania. Colonel Freemantle

He thinks the Pennsylvanians in the neighborhood of Chambersburg are a quec people. He says:

"They openly state that they don't caro which side wins, provided they are left alone. They abuse Lincola tremendously."

This kind of indifference, Col. Freemantle did not understand; but it is easily explained-the unimaginative temper and strong common sense of the Pennsylvania Dutch in that region teach them that the war is for negroes and not for white men; they being white men, cannot sympathize with such a war. Of the final results of

this bloody strife, the author says he never found a single man in doubt in all his journey, over every part of the South:

“A'l are prepared to urdergo still gronter sacritices-they contemplate and prepare to receive greater reverses, which it is impossible to avert. They look to a successful termiuation of the war as certain, al hough few are sanguine enough to fix a speedy date for it, and nearly all bargain for its lasting at long as Lincoln's P.esidency. Although I have always been with the C nfederates in the time of their misfortunes, yet I never heard any pevaon use a desponding word as to the result of the struggle."

Col. Freemantle's book effectually disposes of the innumerable falsehoods "the government" has been sending over the wires for three years, in relation to demoralization and insubordination in the southern army. He says:

"I have lived in bivouacs with all the : outhern armies, which are as distinct from one another us be Brush is from the Austrian, and I have never once soen au instance of in. Lubordination."

In like manner he refutes the legion of lies we have had from the govern ment telegraph about cruelty to the northern prisoners of war. He says:

"I never saw a Federal prisoner i'l-treated or insulted in any way. although havo traveled hundreds of miles in their com pany."

The conclusion this impartial and disinterested observer comes to after visiting every part of the South, is that the North is engaged in a hopeless effort at subjugation. IIe says:

"This war is essentially a war of conquest. If evor a nation did wage such a war, the North is now engaged, with determination worthy of a more hopeful cause, in endeav oring to conquer the South; but the more I think of all that I have seen in the Confederate States of the devotion of the whole population, the more I feel inclined to say with Gen. Polk: How can you sabjugate a people like this?' and even supposing that their extermination were a feasible plan, I never can believe that in the Nineteenth Century the civilized world will be condemned to wit ness the destruction of such a gallant race."

This is the last sentence of Colonel Freemantle's most interesting book. We envy not the man who has such a bad heart that he does not say amen to the closing lines. The man that wishes to see that people exterminated, or subjugated even, is himself, at least, a villain. The day for calling hard things by soft names is past. It is too late to tamper any longer with the atrocious despotism that tramples the States and the Constitution under the same hoof of lawless power.

The conclusions of Col. Freemantle will be the verdict of the civilized world. We are in the wrong-even more so, if possible, than Russia is in its bloody despotism over the gallant Poles. We are making for ourselves a name which will be, and ought to be, despised by the friends of justice and liberty all over the world! The day shall come when our own sons shall despise us-when a new and wiser generation shall say that we were mad !

WE give this month an excellent likeness of Hon. James W. Wall, of

New Jersey. Mr. Wall is known throughout the United States as one of the men who have never faltered in the duty of adherency to the pure principles of Democracy, and of denouncing the usurpation and despotism of Mr. Lincoln's Administration. His great ability, which has been fearlessly dedicated to the cause of Democracy and his country, rendered him, at the outset of the war, so much the terror of the Abolitionists, that they seized him and threw him into Fort Lafayette; but finding that they could not frame even an excuse for his de

tention, and perceiving that the outrage was telling fearfully against the Republican party in New Jersey, they were obliged to humiliate themselves so far as to liberate him without any sort or form of complaint. Col. Wall was only a few days within the walls of the "Republican" bastile, but they were long enongh to inflict an eternity of shame upon the Lincoln Cabinet. While he represented New Jersey in the United States Senate, they were careful never to provoke a fresh opportunity for the display of his strength. There was no man in the Senate to whom these cowardly wretches were more polite and respectful.

-The Republican papers are flattering themselves that the Democratic party is Abolitionized, but if they will possess themselves of patience to wait until the meeting of the Chicago Convention, on the 4th of July, they will be most decidedly undeceived. The (to them) pleasant delusion arises from the statement of some members of Congress, that "slavery" is dead, and that it cannot be restored; but this is a conclusion that necessarily carries with it the idea that the Union is never to be restored, and that the South is to be conquered by the North, and evermore held down under the bloody hand of power. Neither of these conclusions does any Democrat admit.

"Slavery" is a matter that concerns the States-any State has a right to abolish it, or to establish it. The southern States will never abolish it-not, certainly, until their opinions undergo a material or radical change. The position of the masses of the Democratic party on the subject has not been changed, nor will it be, because it is right. To say that the institution of "slavery" is dead in the South, is to say that the Constitution is dead-it is to say that the Union will never be restored, and that the North is to keep up an immense standing army for all time to hold those States in subjugation. The impression prevails that the Chicago Convention will act upon the "Republican" theory that the institutions and rights of the southern States are gone for

ever.

But the Chicago Convention will act upon a theory directly the reverse of that; or, if it does not, there will be another Convention which will not only bear the name, but the PRINCIPLES of Democracy.

-A cotemporary thinks "the Presidential campaign should be conducted with great prudence and caution by the Democracy." If by prudence and caution he meant tenderness towards Mr. Lincoln, the Republicans and their war, then the man that recommends such a course is either destitute of sagacity, or he has been greenbacked into a plot to demoralize and defeat the Democratic party. The true policy is to attack the Administration without fear, and without mercy. Attack is easier than defense. That is a uni

versal law in physics and morals. Impetus is stronger than vis inertia-motion is master of weight. The policy of the Administration has been to keep the opposition on the defensive, by assailing its character and its motives. Through the weakness or the treach ery of the leaders of the Democratic party, the Administration has been entirely successful in its trick of aggressive party warfare. All this must be reversed. The satraps of the President have bullied everywhere-in the cars, in the stages, in the steamboats, in the bar-rooms, and in the street. Now let the friends of the Constitution and the laws take their turn at these leather-lunged harpies. Charge upon them, wherever and whenever they dare to open their impudent mouths. They have clothed themselves with lies, as with a garment--tear it off, and expose their nakedness and deformity. That is the only chance for the success of the Democracy.

-A cotemporary says, "the fact that the people of the United States even tolerate a President who does not blush to own that he receives instructions through spiritual mediums, proves that we are a nation of the greatest fools that ever lived." No, sir; it proves that we are just such fools as have ever lived. Voltaire exclaimed, "Tell me how it comes about that the Asiatic balderdash upon astrology and alchymy has gone round the world and governed it?" We are the same now, except that, instead of Asiatic, we have the African balderdash. Our alchymy is African; but, as such stupidity admits of no degrees of comparison, we can only vote our age the assenine honors of other generations of fools. It may not be a little mortifying to men of sense to know that the world is looking on and laughing to see us governed by spiritual mediums, sorcerers, and all sorts of jugglers, but there is a little consolation in the reflection that most other nations have gone through similar periods of delusion and folly. There is one thing our experience for the past three years has doneit has effectually taken the starch out of our pride. We were great boasters; but it will be, at least, half a century before we shall get cheek to boast again.