gress between Jefferson and Burr, for the successor of Mr. Adams in the Presidency, the monarchist party formed the plot of trying to prevent any election until the 4th of March, when they proposed that the Senate, which was a tool of the British party, should vest in some person the executive pow

er.

When Mr. Jefferson heard of this plot to subvert the government, he called on Adams and asked him if there was any truth in such a rumor. Without replying directly, Adams answered that he thought "under the circumstances they would be justified in doing so." The prompt threat from Jefferson that the Democrats would arm from the mountains to the sea if they did so, saved the Republic. While these events were passing, Mr. Jefferson wrote a letter to James Monroe, under date of February 15th, 1801, in which he says:

"If they could have been permitted to pass a law for putting the governmeut into the hands of an officer, they would certainly have prevented an election; but we thought it best to declare, one and all, openly and firmly, that the day sach act passed, the Middie States would arm; and that no such usurpation, even for a single day, should be submitted to. This first shook them, and they were completely alarmed at the resource for which we declared, viz., to re-organize the government, and to amend it. The very word Convention gives them the horrors, (just as it does the same party now in power,) as in the present Democratic spirit of America, they fear they should lose some of the favorite morsels of power."

On Mr. Jefferson's retirement from office, in 1802, the Legislature of Virginia voted him an address, setting forth the great merit of his services to his country. Alluding to this address, Mr. Jefferson said:

"There is one service, not therein speci

fied, the most important in its consequences of any transaction in any portion of my life, to wit, the head I personaly made against the Federal principles, and proceedings, during the administration of Mr. Adems. Their usurpations, and vio ations of the Constitution, at that period, and their majorities in both Houses of Congress were so great, so decided, and so daring, that after contesting their aggressions, inch by inch, without being able, in the least, to check their career, the Republican leaders thought it would be best for them to give up their useless efforts there, go home, and get into their respective Legis latures, embody whatever resistance they could be formed into, and if ineffectual, to perish there as in the last ditch. All, therefore, retired, leaving Mr. Gallatin alone in the House of Representatives, and myself in the Senate, where I presided as Vice-Presi dent. Remaining at our posts, and bidding defiance to the brow-beatings and insults, by which they endeavored to drive us off also, we kept the mass of Republicans in phalanx together, until the Legislatures could be brought up to the charge; and nothing on earth is more certain, than that if I myself, particularly, placed by my office of Vice-President, at the head of the Republicans, had given way, and withdrawn from my post, the Republicans, throughout the Union, would have given up in despair, and the cause would have been lost forever. By holding on, we obtained time for the Legislatures to come up with their weight; and those of Virginia particularly; but more especially the former, by their celebrated resolutions, saved the Constitution at its last gasp. No person who was not a witness of the scenes of that gloomy period, can form any idea of the afflicting persecutions, and personal indignities we had to brook. They saved our country, how.ver. The spirits of the people were so much subdued, and reduced to despair by the X, Y, Z imposture, and other stratagems and machinations, that they would have sunk into apathy and monarchy, as the only form of government which could maintain itself. '

The acts of the "Federal" party, to which Jefferson alludes in the above extract, were designed to open a door for the overthrow of the American for

the British system of government. They were not only the premonitory sigus of monarchy-they were the first steps of monarchy, and but for the determination of the Republicans (Democrats,) under the lead of Jefferson, the government established by the Revolution would have been overthrown at that time. The followers of Hamil ton were profoundly opposed to the Republican form of government, as they never had faith that it could succeed. In 1791, at the date of August 13th, Mr. Hamilton, in a conversation with Jefferson about the writings of John Adams, over the signature of “Davila," said: "I own it is my opinion, though I do not publish it in Dan or Beersheba, that the present government is not that which will answer, and that it will probably be found expedient to go into the British form." This was spoken one year after the adoption of the Constitution of the United States. In the very midst of the Convention at Philadelphia, Hamilton openly avowed his preference for the British form of government. He was really the colossus of that party which urged a crown upon Washington at the conclusion of the Revolu tionary struggle. While Hamilton was the idol of the monarchist party, he was always contemplated with suspicion and dread by the Republicans. During Washington's administration, the President was perpetually annoyed with rumors about the monarchising plots of his Secretary of State, Hamilton. On the 29th of July, 1792, Washington wrote to Hamilton to know what answer was to be made to these rumors. A little less than one month afterwards, August 16th, Hamilton wrote to Mr. Adams: "All the

persons I meet with are prosperous and happy, and yet most of them, including the friends of the government, (ie., of Washington's administration,) "appear to be much alarmed at a supposed system of policy tending to subvert the Republican government of the country." In this alarm not only the friends of the administration, out Washington himself, shared, and he called upon his Secretary for explanation as to the meaning of all this disagreeable rumor. agreeable rumor. Washington said: "Those who lean to a monarchical government, have either not consulted the public mind, or they live in a region which is much more productive of monarchical ideas than is the case in the Southern States." Washington was right. The statesmen of the South, with scarcely an exception, were for a Republican government. The friends of monarchy were confined to the Eastern and Middle States. The election of Jefferson was a death-blow to that party. Hamilton gave up in disgust and despair. In a letter to Mr. Morris, Feb. 27th, 1802, he thus bemoans his fate.

"Mine is an odd destiny. Perhaps no man in the United States has sacrificed or done more for the present Constitution than myself, and, contrary to all my anticipations of its fate, as you know from the very beginning, I am still laboring to prop the frail and

worthless fabric; yet I have the murmurs of its friends no less than the curses of its foes for my reward. What can I do better than withdraw from the scene? Every day proves to me more and more that this American world was not made for me,"

What had Hamilton done for the Constitution? Every article and section was in opposition to his principles. His plan of a Constitution was overwhelmingly voted down by the

Convention. He was an avowed monarchist. The framers of the Constitution were staunch Republicans. Defeated in his wish to get the principles of monarchism imbeded in the Constitution, he was a second time defeated in an effort to give a monarchical interpretation to the Republican Constitution. Then he gave up with these bitter murmurs. He calls the Constitution a "frail and worthless fabric." He wisely concludes "this American world was not made for me." The reason the American world was not made for him was that his principles were European. He had fixed his destiny on the wrong side of the Atlantic. He used to drink the health of George the Third with greater gusto than he did the health of the President of the United States, even when Washington was in the executive chair. His political fall was almost as sudden and as violent as that of his life; and with him fell the monarchist party in the United States. As a party, it fell; but its baneful principles survived especially in the New England States; and, after lying, like seeds of a poisonous plant in the earth, for more than 60 years, it has sprung up again, and borne the fruit of the party now in power. This is the old federalist, or monarchist party over again, with all its vices multiplied by a thousand. The despotisms of John Adams' administration, which killed his party, or sent it to a sixty years' sleep, were as sweet milk to fire, compared with the abominations of this administration. In 1787, the monarchist party tried to prevent the formation of a Republican Constitution. In 1798, it sought to subvert that Constitution. In 1864, the abhorred spawn

of the same party has trampled that Constitution under its feet.

The Democratic party to-day is confronting the same principles that threatened to overthrow the Constitution in 1798. Then these principles were beaten back by the genius of Jefferson. He told the conspirators that if they advanced another step with their despotic rule, the people should "arm from the mountains to the sea." But, alas! we have no Jefferson now. We have not a statesman, nor a man of pluck. of any description. We have plenty of railroad men, bankers, brokers, contractors, candidates for all manner of offices, but we have no man of pluck—no great man. If we had, Abraham Lincoln would, before this date, have been forced back within the limits of the Consti tution, or have expiated his crimes upon a gallows. That body of respecta ble old women called "The Democratic National Committee," has issued a gentle paper address to Abraham Lincoln, in which they charge upon him crimes that forfeit his last right to life, and then heroically conclude that these deeds ought to arouse the "public indignation. When the "federalists," under old John Adams, threatened deeds less criminal, Jefferson replied a "By God, if you do, the people shall arm from the mountains to the sea." We are almost afraid to quote these rough words of Jefferson, lest the respectable old ladies of the "Democratic National Committee" be thrown into hysteric fits. What a "National Committee" for such times as these! What a pity that gentlemen so eminently capable of being useful as nurses to children of a tender age, should be forced from the nursery to

the forum! To be an efficient nurse is a good deal more respectable than to be an inefficient, or cowardly, or foolish "National Committee." Alas that our Jeffersons should all be dead in such times as these! Alas that there is no great man to be found to seize the Constitution in one hand, and the history of the Revolutionary struggle in the other, and say to the honest, dubitant, and wronged people, follow me! If there is no other alternative, our liberties must be preserved as our fathers won them." That will be

the welcome word of patriotism, sounding above the din of the godless machinery of "shoddy," penetrating the hearts of millions with the inspiration of hope. For more than twelve months now the people have vainly listened to hear some voice of manhood crying out in the midst of the abominations of despotism, "Give me liberty, or give me death!" But they will not always listen in vain. The voice will come at last. It will come as the waves of the sea. As the winds of heaven. As the lightning from the clouds !

C. CHAUNCEY BURR

Mr. President and fellow-citizens: I have consented to address you this afternoon with no expectation of influencing the ballot of to-morrow. At this late hour it is to be presumed that every man's mind is made up. I am here to gratify the wish of my friends. I shall speak as though the election had already passed-like a man who believes the fate of his country is sealed beyond the reach of present, or immediate effort. The die is cast. Today is as though to-morrow's sun had risen and set. If the result is ruin to our country, it is now too late to avert it. The re-election of Abe Lincoln is ruin. Ruin alike to the material, moral and political status of the land. Indeed he has already driven the shaft of destruction so deep into the vitals of the Republic, that it would seem that there is even now nothing left for it but to die.

The heart of this Republic is freedom. Is not that crushed already? True, the heart of freedom is never crushed among a virtuous, enlightened, and courageous people. It survives in their virtue and courage. But for more than three years we have forfeited all claims to the high honor of being considered either a virtuous, an enlightened, or courageous people. We more resemble that fabulous jackass, whose back would not break under th tuns of weight heaped upon it, bu patiently received the ponder

ous load, until the bones of his legs broke down under him. This is the disgraceful figure we present to the view of the civilized world to-day. There is not a nation on earth that does not despise or laugh at us. The loudest in our boasts of freedom, we have patiently crouched under a despotism that no other people endure. We are the jackass that allowed the loads to be piled upon his back until the bones of his legs were crushed. A little time will reveal whether the bones of our legs are crushed, or whether we can allow still greater weights to be heaped upon our back. Truly, Mr. Lincoln has reason to entertain the most exalted idea of our spinal endu

rance.

The most horrible punishments the Romans could invent were inflicted upon the parricide. He was beaten with rods upon the naked body till the blood gushed out through all the veins. Then he was sewed up in a leathern sack, called a culeus, with a cock, a viper and an ape, and thrown headlong into the sea. Sir, patricide is a greater crime than parricide; and Abraham Lincoln is a patricide. He has tried to kill his country. Instead of sewing him in a leathern sack, with a cock, a viper and an ape, we have allowed him to literally overwhelm us with an army of his official vermin His cocks and vipers, and apes, swarm upon us, like a cloud of loensts. He