the favorite object of a separation of the States. "In fact, without this efficient instrument, all their efforts wou'd have been utterly unavailing. It would have been impossible, had the honest yeomanry of the Eastern States continued to regard their Southern citizens as friends and brethren, having one common interest in the promotion of the general welfare, to make them instruments in the hands of those who intended to employ them to operate the unholy work of destroying the noble, the august, the splendor of our Union, and unparalleled form of government. For eighteen years, therefore, the most unceasing endeavors have been used to poison the minds of the people of the Eastern States towards, and to alienate them from, their fellow-citizens of the Southern States. The people of the latter section have been por trayed as demons incarnate, destitute of all the good qualities that dignify or adorn human nature; that acquire esteem or regard; that entitle to respect and veneration. Nothing can exceed the virulence of these caricatures, some of which would have suited the ferocious inhabitants of New Zealand rather than a civilized and polished nation." The following is an extract from No. 1 of the Pelham Essays, to which Mr. Carey refers: "We have reached a critical period in our political existence. The question must now be decided whether we will continue a nation at the expense even of our Union, or sink with the present wars of difficulty into confusion and slavery. Many advantages were supposed to be secured, and many evils avoided, by a Union of the States. I shall not deny that the supposition was well founded, but at the time these advantages and evils were magnified to a greater size than either would be if the question was at this moment to be settled. The Northern States can subsist as a nation-a republic without any connection with the Southern. It cannot be contested that if the Southern States were possessed of the same political ideas, our *Mr. Carey should have wr't'n "for twentyfour years-from 1790 to 1 14 the date of his book. Union would be more close than separation, but when it becomes a serious question whether we shall give up our government, or part with the States south of the Potomac, no man north of that river, whose heart is not thoroughly Democratic, can hesitate what decision to make." The reader must bear in mind that this was written in 1796. It is impossible not to see that this party of New England was set upon framing an excuse for seceding from the Union. Its determinations were thoroughly made. Incompatability of "political principles" was the excuse for separating from the South. What was this incompatability? It was that the South was Democratic," or was the champion of the republican system, while New England wanted the consolidated, or English system, which at this period went by the name of "federalism," as opposed to "republicanism." This was the conflict of ideas between the North and South to which "Pelham" refers. He declares that "every heart not thoroughly Democratic" must see that, under the cir cumstances, the Union does not possess such great advantages. The "thoroughly Democratic" were then profoundly attached to the Union. The South was the friend and supporter of the Union in opposition to the New England school, which was trying to break it up. This paper of " Pelham's," from which we have quoted, goes on to say: "I shall, in the future papers, consider more of the great events which will lead to a separation of the United States-endeavor to prove the impossibility of a Union for any long period in the future, both from the moral and political habits of the citizens of the southern States, and finally examine carefully to see whether we have not already ap proached to the era when they must be di- principle of government on which ours vided." It will be noticed that at this early period, only eight years after adoption of the Constitution, while its framers were all living, no one seemed to entertain the idea that it was not com. petent for a State to resume its sovereign powers, if in its own judgment it was best for it to do so. The New England States were constantly threatening to secede, and the Southern and Middle States seemed to concede it as their right, for they never pretended that they could lawfully hold them af ter they had resolved to go. There was no claim that they had a right to hold these States in the Union by the coercion of arms. They hired the New England States to remain in the Union in 1790, but they did not fight them to keep them in. The man who should have started such an idea as keeping the States together by war, would have been set down as crazy or a fool. Washington and Jefferson, and Madison, and all the framers of the Constitution, were yet alive, and were still active in the arena of politics, and yet, in no instance, was a threat of coercion made against these States, which were constantly planning to secede. The South used every argument which could appeal to the reason and the patriotism of the New England disunionists, but never did she threaten them with coercion. The truth is, that the men who framed the Constitution knew that that instrument gave no power to the Federal Government to coerce a State. The Union was established upon a voluntary basis, and it is impossible to swing it off of that on to a coercive, or involuntary basis, without destroying the whole is predicated. This is the reason why, in the early days, there was no threat to force New England to remain in the Union. We are aware that the statement of this truth will arouse the wrath of the ignoramus or the fool; but are we responsible for the wrath of the ignoramus or the fool? Are we to belie history, or to corrupt the record of our country, because bad men or foolish men will swear at the truth? What we are writing is a truth which no man dare deny. The threats of secession were as common in New England all the way along from 1790 to 1815 as the tirades of Abolitionism are at the present day. These threats were renewed in 1819 and 1820, and have been kept up with only brief intervals ever since. We shall show, from their own records, that these Eastern States have always claimed that they have a right to secede. Up to the election of Mr. Lincoln, this was the political doctrine of New Englaud. Commenting on the "Pelham" papers of 1796, as quoted above, Mr. Carey says: "It is impossible for a man of intelligence and candor to read these extracts without feeling a decided conviction that the writer and his friends were determined to use all their endeavors to dissolve the Union, and en gender civil war and its horrors, in order to promote their sectional views. This affords a complete clue to all the seditious proceedings that have occurred since that period. The unholy spirit by the writers of these dissolution sentiments, has been from that hour to the present incessantly employed to excite hostility between the differ * ent sections of the Union. To such horrible lengths has this spirit been carried, that many paragraphs have appeared in the Bostou papers intended and well calculated to excite the negroes of the Southern States to rise and massacre their masters. This will undoubtedly appear incredible to the reader. It is nevertheless sacredly true. It is a species of turpitude and baseness of which the world has produced few examples." Had this historian, Carey, been writing 1861 instead of 1814, he could truthfully have applied the same remarks to the entire Northern dealing with the South, even down to that late period. In this respect, no man of the least reputation for veracity and fairness dare attempt to vindicate our conduct. The documents we shall produce in this "History of Northern Disunion," prove, beyond dispute, that this Northern party has been industriously at work ever since 1790 to frame excuses for murdering the Southern people. The spirit of hate aroused in New England against the South, be cause the Southern statesmen defeated their favorite notions of government, by giving supremacy to the Democratic principles, has never slumbered. This war upon the South was commenced immediately after the adoption of the Constitution. The seeds of the present civil strife was sown then by the mischievous hand of New England. These puritan malcontents have ever balanced between. one of two determinations-either to murder the Union by setting up a Northern Confederacy, or to exterminate the white people of the South, and divide their fruitful lands between themselves and the negroes. The materials before ns, to be used in future chapters, clearly prove all this. Horrible as the idea is, it is nevertheless true! THE FAILURE OF THE WAR. THE fourth year of the war is far spent, and what has it accomplished? A million of graves! a debt which no man can compute! orphans and widows to a number that frightens the imagination of man! These results we have, in very tangible and unmistakable form. They yawn before us like the open mouth of a sepulchre. The results upon ourselves we know. But how have we affected the "rebellion?" If we could believe Mr. Lincoln's telegraph, we have crushed it to death a thousand times. Its "back" has been "broken" once a week, at least, for a hundred and fifty weeks. If any man doubts, he is referred to the New York Herald, Times, Tribune, and World, where he will find daily proofs that "its back-bone is broken," and that it is absolutely on its "last legs." For almost four years its been on its "last legs," by telegraph; but, as the civilized world beholds it, it has all this time marched defiantly on, in creasing in strength and desperate resolve, and demonstrating a vitality which more than defies the utmost resources of the Abolition North. If lies could conquer a brave people, the Southern States would have been ex terminated two years ago. If fraud and robbery, and rape, and falsehood, were battles, we know not what would have been the fate of the "rebellion" We shudder to imagine long since. it. But more than three years' experience has taught us that "rebellion" flourishes even under the blighting curse of uncivilized warfare. Year by year, month by month, and day by day, it has grown in pluck and power, under the utmost pressure of fire, plunder and the sword. Starting with the feebleness of an infant, it has grown up a mighty giant, under the spur and motive we have imparted to it. We have made it what it is. Have given fire to its heart, and strength to its limbs. Have baptised with a purpose which has become holy in its own eyes. We have driven the Southern people to feel as our fathers felt in the Revolution. To subjugate a people thus inspired is as impossible as it would be wicked and unjust. re The Northern mind has been dragged along from point to point, encouraged by false reports of successes on our part, and of discouragement and demoralization on the part of the " bels," and thus kept in heart, when reason should have impressed every man with the conviction of the certain final defeat of the barbarous undertaking to exterminate or subjugate the free people of eight or ten sister States. On the 22d of January, 1863, the New York Tribune, the leading organ of Mr. Lincoln's administration, said: "Call out the uniformed militia for three months, employ them to garrison Washington, Baltimore, Cincinnati, St. Louis, &c. Borrow temporarily, on the best poss.b.e terms, three or four hundred millions, to be pai at the rate of five millions per day, with a clear understanding that we are to borrow no more-THAT THE WAR IS TO BE FINISHED WITH THIS AMOUNT, and that speed ly. If three months more of earnest fighting shall not serve to make a serious impression on the rebelsif the end of that term shall find us no further advanced than its beginning-if some malignant fate has decreed that the blood Eight days later, on the 30th of January, Mr. Greeley said: "If the rebels should be successful and we defeated in the general resuits of the campaign now opening-(i. e., the campaign of Hooker, which did not open till May) -impartial third parties will say that we ought to consent to peace on the best attainable terms." And still seven days later, in a letter addressed to Senator Doolittle, Mr. Greeley said: "Only let it be genera'ly agreed that we will crush out the rebellion in the impending campaign, or FRANKLY GIVE UP THE JOB, and we can have men and money enough." Not only was that campaign a fail ure, but every campaign since has failed to make the least visible impression upon either the will or power of the "rebellion." At this date, the beginning of 1863, when the leading organ of the Administration promised the country that if the "rebellion" was not crushed in three months they would "frankly give up the job," Mr. Lincoln had called one million two hundred and thirty-nine thousand men to arms. But, with this mighty host he failed to make even the smallest noticeable impression upon the seceding States. He, however, refused to "give up the job," and has, since that date, called nearly a million more fresh troops into his slaughterpens. The imagination sickens at the effort to comprehend the wide waste of slaughter and desolation. Where are now our mighty armies that swarmed like clouds of locusts around the "Confederacy" in 1862-63? Where are the vast hosts of the West that marched under Grant and Sherman, and Buel, and Rosecrans, and Fremont, and Carney, and McClernand, and Ly on? All vanished! Where the le- and Memphis, and New Orleans, and gions that swarmed over Virginia unNashville, the Northern people believder McDowell, and McClellan, and ed that the campaign was about over. Banks, and Milroy, and Shields, Experience has taught us that "rebellion" resides in none of these centres. and Fremont, and Patterson, and It is in the hearts of the Southern Sigel, and Blencker, and Pope, and people, and, as long as it is better for Hooker, and Burnside, an! Mead? them to die in the field of conflict than All vanished, all wiped out, while the to submit to the Abolition despotism, "rebellion" is neither wiped out nor so long will it remain unconquered and unchanged. Are the people really wounded in any vital part. Even the fools, that they can be longer deceived original armies with which Grant and by this false cry that "the rebellion is Sherman started on their present camon its last legs?" How many times paigns, have been destroyed, and remust they be cheated before they come to their senses, to see that it will never enforcements or fresh recruits sent to be on its last legs while the present fill the places of our slaughtered hosts. party is in power? When Mr. LinSince he crossed the Rapidan, Grant colu called out the first 75,000, Sewhas lost more men than the total numard promised the country that the whole thing would be over in sixty ber of which his army consisted when dys. The people seemed to believe he commenced his march. The present him; but they were deceived. Then shouts of "victory" in the Republican came a demand for 64,000 more. This presses are almost entirely telegraphic, time the few Democrats who insisted and designed for Lincoln campaigned down for daring to doubt that the on retaining their senses were knockbunkum. Until the Noveinber vote is taken the papers will be ablaze with victories, by telegraph. We shudder at the thought of the lies we shall have from this time to the end of the campaign. After that, the people will open their eyes to the naked truth again, and see that the "rebellion" is no way weaker than it was a year ago. No, nor not so weak; for, within the year the "Confederacy" has regained a vast deal of territory that was virtually in our possession twelve months ago. In this period the States of Texas, Arkansas, and Louisiana have been mostly regained by the "rebels." The little patches now held by our armies are only small dots upon the map. Within this period, we have been driven from Florida, and from a great many places held by us on the Missis sippi and in Missouri, until the results of of the campaign of the last year are matters of greater encouragement to Jeff. Davis than to Abe Lincoln. When we took Vicksburgh, South would be speedily conquered. Another failure. Then came a call for 500,000 more. It was held to be treason to doubt that this would do the business. But donbting "treason" had the best of believing "loyalty." "Treason" proved himself a wise man, and "loyalty" a fool. Next, a demand for 300,000 more, which removed the last doubt of the sudden doom of "rebellion." But no, it would not be doomed. Three hundred thousand more were called; and again three hundred thousand more; and still again, five hundred thousand more! and, up to this moment, not the least sign of discouragement or weakness in the heart or knees of the "rebellion." Yet, as if to prove to the world that we are a nation of lunatics, we talk of proceeding with the useless and the criminal slaughter. At the beginning of 1864 we had ten or fifteen great armies in the field. At the beginning of 1865 we shall only have two, Grant's and Sherman's; for all the rest are only the shattered and de |